JK 1759 
















'•»< 



























* ^ 










'T7T» A 











* v ^ 














"-^ ^ife -X<' ^\/ #feX ( 










w 

«^***l* 

^ ^ 










r* « 








*0, 



Making Americans 

RESPONSIVE READINGS FOR 
TEACHING CITIZENSHIP 



Compiled By 

ETTA V. LEIGHTON 

Civic Secretary of the National Security League 



F. A. OWEN PUBLISHING COMPANY 

DANSVILLE, N. Y. 






Copyright, 1920 
F. A. OWEN PUBLISHING CO. 



Making Americans 



M -2 1920 



©CU566323 
/ 



To the Great American 
THEODORE ROOSEVELT 

whose life and sayings 

were the inspiration of twenty years 

of teaching children and adults 

of many nationalities 

this book is respectfully dedicated. 

1 Wherever he went he carried his own pack ; 
and in the uttermost parts of the earth 
he kept his conscience for his guide." 



PREFACE 

This little book aims to bring to all of us, children 
and adults, inspiration, advice, and encouragement 
from the great men who have made our country great. 
While engaged in its preparation the author had 
the privilege of an interview with Lieut. -Col. Theodore 
Roosevelt, showing him the material and securing his 
approval of the dedication to his father. Mr. Roosevelt 
had just come from Oyster Bay, where he had played 
Santa Claus to the children of Oyster Bay country 
school. His deep interest in schools and children was 
most touching. Mr. Roosevelt has since written the 
following letter concerning this little book, " Making 
Americans." 

Assembly Chamber— State of New York 

Albany, January 15, 1920 
My dear Miss Leighton: 

I am much interested %n the project you 
have outlined to me. There is no question but 
that phrases and paragraphs culled from the 
works of great men are a most efficient method 
of bringing before the boys and girls in this coun- 
try the big things vital in our government. 

I am very glad to see the selections you have 
made from my father's speeches and writings. 
They seem to me to typify certain problems that 
are before us at this time and to which we must 
give our earnest consideration. The outline of 
the work that you have shown me convinces me 
that it will fill a real niche in the needs of this 
country. Believe me> 

Very truly yours y 

Theodore Roosevelt 

Let us, teachers and pupils, do our part to continue 
the Roosevelt traditions of citizenship, for in so doing 
we shall be sure of "making Americans." 

Etta V. Leighton 



CONTENTS 

Suggestions to the Teacher 9 

Creed, Robert McNutt McElroy 14 

PART I-THE EXTENSION OF FREEDOM 

The Pilgrims 15 

Play — The Pilgrims in Holland 15 

Representative Government 19 

"To Establish Justice"— Revolutionary War 23 

Representative Democracy Wins Against Autoc- 
racy— 1776-1781 23 

Poem — Independence Bell 26 

The Constitution 30 

Play — How the Constitution Saved the Nation. . 34 
Poem— Our New Liberty Bell, R. M. McElroy. . 37 

The Monroe Doctrine 38 

"To Form a More Perfect Union"— The Civil War. . 40 

Lincoln's Dedicatory Address at Gettysburg 41 

"To Promote Domestic Tranquillity" — Spanish- 
American War 44 

"To Secure the Blessings of Liberty"— The World 

War 48 

Representative Democracy Wins Against Autoc- 
racy— 1914-1918 48 

Two Friends in Need— Lafayette, 1777-Persh- 

ing, 1917 51 

Poems — Thanksgiving Day, 1917, and Thanks- 
giving Day, 1918, Corinne Roosevelt Robin- 
son 55-56 

Poem — Victory! Laura Armistead Carter 57 



PART II— THE MEANING OF AMERICA 

Democracy 65 

Patriotism 68 

Freedom 74 

The Land of the Free. . . : 74 

Sweet Land of Liberty 76 

Poem— Motherland! 80 

PART III— THE GOOD CITIZEN 

Characteristics of the Good Citizen 81 

A Call to Civic Duty 94 

Declaration of Allegiance for Students. 96 

The Young Athenian's Oath , 96 

Dialogue — Makers of the Flag, Franklin Knight Lane 98 

PART IV— THE FUTURE OF FREEDOM 

Poem — Pull Your Weight, Arthur Guiterman 101 

Eternal Vigilance Is the Price of Liberty 102 

Lowell's "Ode for the Fourth of July, 1876" ., .112 

"To Finish the Work We Are In" 114 

Extracts from Washington's Farewell Address. .117 
Poem— What Can I Do? Lee Wilson Dodd 120 

Song-— To America, Minna Irving-Rose Villar 122 

Biographical Notes . 124 



Acknowledgements are due, for permission to use ma- 
terial, to : Dr. Robert M. McElroy, Head of the Depart- 
ment of History and Politics, Princeton University ; Mrs. 
Corinne Roosevelt Robinson; Miss Laura A. Carter; 
Mr. Arthur Guiterman; Mrs. Rose Villar and Miss 
Minna Irving ; Dr. Walter E. Ranger, Commissioner of 
Public Schools, Rhode Island ; Houghton Mifflin Com* 
pany. 



SUGGESTIONS TO THE TEACHER 

The teacher will note the underlying thoughts of this 
book: 

That our freedom is a growing thing. 

That all wise progress is possible under our Constitu- 
tion by the orderly process of amendment. 

That eaHy documents show that from the very begin- 
ning American Ideals have been : 

law, 

order, 

decency, 

sobriety, 

industry, 

justice, 

independence, 

self-reliance, 

thrift, 

service, 

regard for personal and property rights of the in- 
dividual, and 

determined effort to realize more and more equality 
of opportunity for all. 

Every selection has been chosen to build up in the 
child mind these constructive ideals, and the whole 
book is dedicated to the Great American whose every 
act was an exemplification of those ideals and whose 
whole life was an inspiration to all Americans. 

This book is a compendium of live quotations, and be- 
sides being used for Citizenship should be constantly 
referred to in Current Events periods. 

Every capable teacher realizes that the day's success 
depends on the morning key thought. Let the Respon- 
sive Readings in Citizenship be used in the morning 
exercises and the children will be bright and alert for 
the lessons following. Use them for Friday afternoon 



10 MAKING AMERICANS 

exercises and send your children away in an inspired 
mood that will bring them back with eager interest on 
Monday morning. 

The sole end of free public education is good citizen- 
ship. Our overcrowded programs make it necessary 
to do two things at once. With this little book we can 
teach Citizenship and Reading and help in Language by 
providing a vocabulary which will help pupils to think 
clearly on important issues. We think in words — no 
person of scanty vocabulary can think clearly. Encour- 
age the children to memorize the quotations so that the 
ideals of America as expressed in the thought of her 
leaders may become part of their heritage. You will 
note an improvement in their speech and reading. 
Children will sense the difference between word-calling 
and reading when they have inspiring material to use 
in a new way. 

The selections are so arranged that the teacher may 
use as many as she likes for a lesson, yet wherever she 
stops, complete ideas will be left in the minds of the 
pupils. In ungraded classes or in rooms of more than 
one grade the teacher will use different sections of the 
book with different classes and will find a lively inter- 
est maintained. 

It will be noticed that in numbering the selections 
and paragraphs, the bold-faced figures have been alter- 
nated. This is to make easier the plan of responsive 
reading. The teacher will see many ways in which 
this feature can be carried out and can vary the meth- 
ods from day to day ; for instance, the teacher can read 
the odd-numbered paragraph, the school or class re- 
sponding in concert with the even number, or individual 
pupils can be called upon to read a paragraph with re- 
sponse by the entire class, or the teacher can call upon 



SUGGESTIONS TO THE TEACHER 11 

individual pupils to read the paragraphs in any order 
desired, designating the paragraphs by number, or in 
others of many ways which will insure alertness, atten- 
tion and interest in the class. 

The value of clear, beautiful enunciation and delib- 
erate, impressive utterance can best be taught in con- 
cert reading, in which children lose their individual 
shyness, and the fact that each child expects that he 
may be called on to read a verse will keep all alert and 
preserve the values of individual as well as concert 
reading. 

Where the teacher has space she would do well to 
print as a border the ideals given at the beginning of 
these suggestions. The children, after using the book 
some weeks, should be allowed to test each other by 
pointing to one of the subjects under ideals and asking 
a pupil to read a quotation that applies to it. 

The teacher should stress Dramatization. Let the 
children identify themselves momentarily with the 
great statesmen. Instead of calling a child's name, 
point to a child and call the name of the author of the 
selection, as "Washington, " "Lincoln," "Roosevelt," 
etc. This device will make vivid to the class while 
the selection is being read that they are listening to 
the very words of these great Americans. 

The reason for each war is given in a sub-title. Be 
sure that children know these. Ask them the meaning 
of "America"; have them respond with "Democracy," 
"Patriotism," "Freedom." Help them to realize that 
as citizens they must help "to finish the work we are 
in." Let the teacher and class locate the sub-titles in 
the preamble to our Constitution and in our songs and 
sayings. Let the children know that the Creed is a 
rendering in poetic form of the reasons given by sue- 



12 MAKING AMERICANS 

cessful citizens of twenty-one nationalities for their 
giving up allegiance to their old countries and becom- 
ing American citizens. 

Recite this Creed alternately, each row taking one 
line. 

Independence Bell — Let one-half of the class read 
stanza 1, the second half read stanza 2; then let eleven 
children read the dialogue in stanza 3. Let half the 
class read stanza 4, the other half stanza 5 and the first 
two lines of stanza 6. Then let a small boy shout — 
"Ring, Grandpa, ring," etc., and the entire class 
finish that stanza and the next. Let one pupil read 
the last stanza. 

Our New Liberty Bell—\Jse in four parts, letting a 
leader read the first four lines in each stanza, the class 
responding with the second four lines. 

The two Thanksgiving poems will carry their lesson 
if one pupil reads the explanatory sentence ; half the 
class read the first stanza, the other half reads the 
second stanza and the entire class reads the third stanza 
together. 

Victory — The poem Victory can not only bring inspi- 
ration to the classroom, but may be made a very dra- 
matic climax to a patriotic program. Let the class read 
the first line "Then came a runner/ ' etc., as the 
"runner" comes forward and says, "Rejoice! We con- 
quer!" — to — "for the Lord to-day!" 

Then let the class chant the next six lines and let the 
runner ask, "What do they say?" Another pupil an- 
swers, "It is not clear." Runner— "What is the mu- 
sic?" Pupil— "I do not hear." 

Let one standing far off from the class represent the 
dead and read: "Still you deem me" — to— "Victory 
Incarnate." Then the whole class should read with in- 



SUGGESTIONS TO THE TEACHER 13 

creasing emotion the lines: ''Swirling up from a war- 
scarred plain' ' — to — ''hide our eyes at the Journey's 
Close!" when children should bow their heads on the 
desk while the runner reads, "Hide our eyes" — to — 
"melody." Then the entire class should read: "Alle- 
luia" — to — "the Lord God Omnipotent reigneth!" 

Motherland! — Remember that patriotism is an emo- 
tion. It can best be cultivated by inspiring prose and 
poetry. Let this poem and all the selections be read 
with the greatest possible dramatic fervor. By divid- 
ing the stanzas into four lines each, six rows may take 
part in the reading. Be sure to memorize this and use 
in patriotic programs. 

Pull Your Weight— This poem was selected by vote 
of the boys in several vocational classes as one of the 
best out of hundreds tested for a book they were pre- 
paring to print. 

Let one pupil read the first four lines and the entire 
class read the question lines, and all stretch out their 
arms in the aisle and row in unison as they ask, "Are 
you pulling your weight?" 

To America — Use as song and reading lesson — empha- 
size the democratic spirit of "simple boys from shop 
and farm." 

The majority of these selections have been tested in 
the classroom. The children will take to this book as 
they do not take to the ordinary compilation because 
they are modern children and, like their elders, want 
short pithy sayings. In the hands of capable teachers 
the book will prove a help in reading, history, oral and 
written composition and dramatization, as well as in 
tracing the growth of democracy and in developing the 
highest ideals of citizenship. 



May this immense temple of freedom (the United 
States) ever stand a lesson to oppressors, an example to 
the oppressed, a sanctuary for the rights of mankind! — 
Lafayette. 



CREED 

I believe in America because of her ideals, worked out in 
institutions that are just. 

She gives to every man the right to rise ; 

To take a part in making equal laws ; 

To hold his neighbor equal to himself ; 

To speak the truth and to resent a lie ; 

To serve no man as master, but by toil 

To earn the right to call himself a man. 

I believe in the world mission of American ideals. 

By them, expressed in terms of nations, I believe, 

Right can be made to vanquish Force and Fraud • 

Justice to reign, sustained by potent laws ; 

The weaker states to live as live the strong. 

I. believe in America because she thinks in terms of 
justice, not of gain, and holds her noble heritage the Right 
of all. 

Robert McNutt McElroy. 



PART^I 

The Extension of Freedom 



THE PILGRIMS 

The Pilgrims in Holland 

Characters : 

John Carver, 

Edward Winslow, 

Pastor John Robinson, 

William Brewster, 

Pilgrim Women and Children. 

Scene — Leyden, Holland, early August, 1620. 

Pastor Robinson — Since the Lord directed our 
steps to the Low Countries in 1608 we have here for 
twelve years enjoyed the ordinances of God in their 
purity and the liberty of the gospel, yet few have come 
to us and fewer still abide. What with the great labor 
and the hard fare, their patience giveth way. They 
would rather suffer prison in England than have 
liberty in Holland with affliction. 

Winslow — Now that our printing press has been 
taken away from us and turned over to the University 
of Leyden I feel my own patience giving way. I have 
no great desire to remain in this land. 



16 , MAKING AMERICANS 

Brewster — Here it is true we have religious freedom, 
yet can we see religious dissension making way among 
our Dutch brethren. There are rumors that Spain will 
soon war with the Dutch Republic, in which case our 
lot would be perilous. 

Carver — Good friends have braved the King's dis- 
pleasure, yet leave is denied us to go to Virginia. The 
Dutch ignore our appeal that they intercede with the 
King, yet here it seems we cannot stay, for — 

(He is interrupted by the noise of a child, who runs 
in to speak to his mother sitting with the women. The 
child says : "Mistress Brown weeps. Her son is off for 
a voyage in a Dutch ship, and 'tis said he has just taken 
a Dutch maiden to wife.") 

Mother (A Pilgrim Woman) — Mistress Brown is 
not unfortunate. There are mothers here have more to 
lament, for their children have taken to ungodly ways 
and are forgetting their own religion as well as their 
own language. 

Another Pilgrim Woman — Every mother has woe in 
her heart. If she has good children they are so bowed 
down under the weight of work and care they become 
decrepit in youth — the vigor of nature is consumed in 
the bud. We could go far ere we fared worse than we 
do here. 

Carver (resuming) — Even the women see the 
need for change. If we are not to lose our English lan- 
guage and customs and see our children drawn from us 
we would better go to America. We have lived here as 
exiles and in poor condition. The Spaniards here 
might prove as cruel as the savages in America, and 
famine and pestilence as sore here as there, and their 
liberties might be less to look on for remedy. Old age 
begins to steal on us ; we would better adventure now 



THE EXTENSION OF FREEDOM 17 

that half our number are ready to try the new life in 
the new world. 

Pastor Robinson — I must stay behind with the re- 
maining half in Holland, yet will our prayers go with 
you to the land where you will have religious liberty 
and the rights and customs of Englishmen. Trials will 
come, but all of them, through the help of God, by forti- 
tude and patience, may be either borne or overcome, 
and be but a small price to pay for Freedom. 

(Note. Practically all of the class can take part in 
this play, the boys gathering around the adult male 
speakers, the girls with the women or busy at household 
tasks, while one or two small ones run in with the child 
tvho brings news of Mrs. Brown's son.) 

THE MAYFLOWER COMPACT 

1. The Mayflower Compact set up the first pure 
Democracy in America, Nov. 11, 1620. 

2. In the name of God, Amen : 

We whose names are underwritten * * * * do 
by these presents, solemnly and mutually, in the pres- 
ence of God and one another, covenant and combine our- 
selves together into a civil body politic for our better 
ordering and preservation, and furtherance of the ends 
aforesaid ; and by virtue hereof to enact, constitute and 
frame just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitu- 
tions, and offices from time to time, as shall be thought 
most meet and convenient for the general good of the 
colony ; unto which we promise all due submission and 
obedience. 

3. In like manner, we, the assembled (citizens or 
[and] pupils) of. , do solemnly promise all 



18 MAKING AMERICANS 

due obedience to the laws of the (city or town) of 

; to the state of ; and to the 

United States of America. 

4. Learn the laws and obey them. — Lincoln. 

5. Whereas you are to become a body Politic, using 
amongst yourselves Civil Government, and are not fur- 
nished with persons of special eminency above the rest 
to be chosen by you into an office of Government, let 
your wisdom and Godliness appear not only in choosing 
such persons as do entirely love and will promote the 
common good, but also in yielding unto them all due 
Honor and Obedience in their lawful administrations, 
* * * * an( j y^g duty you may the more willingly 
and ought the more conscienably to perform because 
you are to have them for your ordinary governors those 
you yourselves shall make choice of for that work. — 
Rev. John Robinson (1620). 



THE EXTENSION OF FREEDOM 19 

REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT 

1. Representative Government began in America 
with the establishment of the Virginia House of Bur- 
gesses. 

2. On April 17, 1619, Sir George Yeardley arrived at 
Jamestown as governor and captain-general to put the 
new system of government into operation. There were 
to be a Governor, a Council of Estate, and a House of 
Burgesses, together constituting the General Assembly. 
Martial law and communism were abolished; lands 
were assigned to settlers; and the settlements were 
invited to send delegates to Jamestown to co-operate 
with the company in making laws. Accordingly, July 
30, 1619, the first legislative assembly ever convened on 
the American Continent met in the church at James- 
town. It consisted of the Governor, six Councillors, and 
twenty-two Burgesses, two from each of the eleven 
settlements. 

3. Laws providing for the education of Indian 
children and prescribing penalties for gambling, drunk- 
enness, and extravagance were among the first laws 
passed. 

4. Be it enacted by this present Assembly that for 
laying a surer foundation of the conversion of the 
Indians to Christian Religion, each town, city, borough 
and particular plantation do obtain unto themselves by 
just means a certain number of the natives' children to 
be educated by them in the true religion and civil 
course of life. 

5. Against gaming at dice and cards be it ordained 
by this present Assembly that the winner or winners 



20 MAKING AMERICANS 

shall lose all his or their winnings and both winners 
and losers shall forfeit ten shillings a man, one ten 
shillings whereof to go to the discoverer and the rest 
to charitable and pious uses in the Incorporation where 
the fault is committed. 

6. Against drunkenness be it also decreed that if any 
private person be found culpable thereof, for the first 
time he is to be reproved privately, by the Minister, 
the second time publicly, the third time to lie in bolts 
twelve hours in the house of the Provost Marshal and 
to pay his fee, and if he still continue in that vice, to 
undergo such severe punishment as the Governor and 
Council of Estate shall think fit to be inflicted on him. 
But if any officer offend in this crime, the first time he 
shall receive a reproof from the Governor, the second 
time he shall be openly reproved in the church by the 
Minister, and the third time he shall first be committed 
and then degraded. Provided it be understood that the 
Governor hath always power to restore him when he 
shall in his discretion think fit. 

7. Against excess in apparel that every man be 
assessed in the church for all public contributions, if he 
be unmarried according to his own apparel, if he be 
married according to his own and his wife's, or either 
of their apparel. — Twine, "Official Report, Virginia 
General Assembly" (1619). 

8. The first written constitution framed by a people 
for the government of themselves in the history of the 
world was adopted at Hartford, Conn., January 14, 
1639. This first formal republic was made up of the 
people of the three earliest towns in the Connecticut 
Valley, Hartford, Windsor, and Weathersfield. 



THE EXTENSION OF FREEDOM 21 

9. The preamble to the Constitution reads: "Well 
knowing where a people are gathered together the 
word of God requires that to maintain the peace and 
union of such a people there should be an orderly and 
decent government established according to God, to 
order and dispose of the affairs of the people at all sea- 
sons as occasion shall require; we do therefore asso- 
ciate and conjoin ourselves to be one public State or 
Commonwealth; and do, for ourselves and our succes- 
sors and such as shall be adjoined to us at any time 
hereafter, enter into combination and confederation 
together * * * * ; as also in our civil affairs to be 
guided and governed according to such laws, rules, 
orders and decrees as shall be made, ordered and 
decreed." 

10. The Puritan principle in its essence is simply 
individual freedom. From that spring religious liberty 
and political equality. The free State, the free Church, 
the free School — these are the triple armor of Ameri- 
can nationality, of American security. — George Will- 
iam Curtis. 

11. The free church was first completely established 
in Rhode Island by the original charter of 1663, and 
guaranteed by the present constitution. 

12. Whereas Almighty God hath created the mind 
free ; and all attempts to influence by temporal punish- 
ments or burdens, or by civil incapacitations, tend to 
beget habits of hypocrisy and meanness ; and whereas 
a principal object of our venerable ancestors, in their 
migration to this country and their settlement of this 
state was, as they expressed it, to hold forth a lively 
experiment, that a flourishing civil state may stand and 
be best maintained with full liberty in religious con- 



22 MAKING AMERICANS 

cernments : We, therefore, declare that no man shall 
be compelled to frequent or to support any religious 
worship, place, or ministry whatever, except in ful- 
fillment of his own voluntary contract; nor enforced, 
restrained, molested, or burdened in his body or goods ; 
nor disqualified from holding office ; nor otherwise suf- 
fer on account of his religious belief; and that every 
man shall be free to worship God according to the dic- 
tates of his own conscience, and to profess and by argu- 
ment to maintain his opinion in matters of religion; 
and that the same shall in no wise diminish, enlarge, or 
affect his civil capacity. — Constitution of Rhode Island. 

13. Ay, call it holy ground, 

The soil where first they trod ; 
They have left unstained what there they found, 
Freedom to worship God. 

Hemans — "Landing of the Pilgrims/' 



THE EXTENSION OF FREEDOM 23 

"TO ESTABLISH JUSTICE"— REVOLUTIONARY 

WAR 

Representative Democracy Wins Against Autocracy — 

1776-1781 

1. For one hundred fifty years the colonies grew in 
freedom and prosperity until the tyranny of George 
III brought on the Revolution. 

2. The Revolutionary War was not fought to avoid 
taxes but to preserve the rights of free-born English- 
men. It was in a real sense fought to establish justice. 

3. Bitterness could never have arisen had the will 
of the British people ruled in 1775 as it rules to-day. 
For the severance came because we had then a per- 
verse Court and a non-representative Parliament. 
Common to both people is the love of freedom and the 
faith in freedom which, sown long ago in English 
hearts, came to full flower in the days of Milton and 
Hampden and established civil and religious liberty, 
both in England and America, on foundations never 
thereafter to be shaken. — James Bryce, "American 
Comvmomvealth." 

A DECLARATION BY THE COLONIES 

4. We are reduced to the alternative of choosing an 
unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated 
ministers or resistance by force. The latter is our 
choice. Honor, justice, and humanity forbid us tamely 
to surrender that Freedom which we received from our 
gallant ancestors and which our innocent posterity have 
a right to receive from us. We can not endure the 
infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding generations 



24 MAKING AMERICANS 

to that wretchedness which inevitably awaits them if 
we basely entail hereditary bondage upon them. 

5. Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our 
internal resources are great, and, if necessary, foreign 
assistance undoubtedly attainable. 

6. We most solemnly before God and the World 
declare that, exerting the utmost energy of those 
powers, which our beneficent Creator hath graciously 
bestowed upon us, the arms we have been compelled 
by our enemies to assume, we will, in defiance of every 
hazard, with unabating firmness and perseverance, 
employ for the preservation of our liberties, being with 
one mind resolved to die freemen rather than live 
slaves. 

7. In our own native land, in defence of the freedom 
that is our birthright, and which we ever enjoyed till 
the late violation of it — for the protection of our prop- 
erty, acquired solely by the honest industry of our fore- 
fathers and ourselves, against violence actually offered, 
we have taken up arms. We shall lay them down when 
hostilities shall cease on the part of the aggressors, and 
all danger of their being renewed shall be removed, 
and not before. — Journal of the Second Continental 
Congress (1775). 

8. Hark ! I hear the tramp of thousands, 

And of armed men the hum ; 
Lo ! a nation's hosts have gathered 
'Round the quick alarming drum, — 
Saying, "Come, 
Freemen, come! 
Ere your heritage be wasted, " said the quick 
alarming drum. 

—Bret Harte, "The Reveiller 



THE EXTENSION OF FREEDOM 25 

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 

9. On July 4, 1776, the immortal Declaration of Inde- 
pendence was adopted. Its principles have since ani- 
mated every movement for the extension of free gov- 
ernment anywhere in the world. 

10. The Declaration of Independence is founded upon 
two great fundamental principles : 

1. 'That all men are created equal. " 

2. "That they are endowed by their Creator with cer- 
tain inalienable rights, that among these are life, lib- 
erty and the pursuit of happiness." 

11. The people, said Samuel Adams, recognize the 
resolution of Congress as if it were a decree promul- 
gated from heaven. The declaration went straight to 
their hearts, because they found in it their own concep- 
tions put into words which few or none of them were 
capable of writing. Jefferson had poured the soul of 
the continent into his manifesto and therefore produced 
a glorious effect and made the colonies all alive. — 
George Otto Trevelyan, "The American Revolution." 

12. The Declaration of Independence is not only an 
American document, it follows on Magna Charta and 
the Petition of Right as the third of the great title 
deeds on which the liberties of the English-speaking 
race are founded. — Bryce, "American Commonwealth." 



26 MAKING AMERICANS 



Independence Bell 

There was tumult in the city, 

In the quaint old Quaker town, 
And the streets were rife with people 

Pacing restless up and down, — 
People gathering at corners, 

Where they whispered each to each, 
And the sweat stood on their temples 

With the earnestness of speech. 

As the bleak Atlantic currents 

Lash the wild Newfoundland shore, 
So they beat against the State-House, 

So they surged against the door ; 
And the mingling of their voices 

Made a harmony profound, 
Till the quiet street of Chestnut 

Was all turbulent with sound. 

"Will they do it?" "Dare they do it?" 

"Who is speaking?" "What's the news?" 
"What of Adams?" "What of Sherman?" 

"Oh, God grant they won't refuse!" 
"Make some way there!" "Let me nearer!" 

"I am stifling!" "Stifle then! 
When a nation's life's at hazard, 

We've no time to think of men !" 

So they beat against the portal, 
Man and woman, maid and child; 

And the July sun in heaven 

On the scene looked down and smiled: 



THE EXTENSION OF FREEDOM 27 

The same sun that saw the Spartan 

Shed his patriot blood in vain, 
Now beheld the soul of freedom, 

All unconquered, rise again. 

See ! see ! The dense crowd quivers 

Through all its lengthy line, 
As the boy beside the portal 

Looks forth to give the sign ! 
With his little hands uplifted, 

Breezes dallying with his hair, 
Hark! with deep, clear intonation, 

Breaks his young voice on the air. 

Hushed the people's swelling murmur, 

List the boy's exultant cry ! 
"Ring!" he shouts, "Ring! grandpa, 

Ring ! oh, ring for Liberty !" 
Quickly at the given signal 

The old bell-man lifts his hand, 
Forth he sends the good news, making 

Iron music through the land. 

How they shouted! What rejoicing! 

How the old bell shook the air, 
Till the clang of freedom ruffled 

The calmly gliding Delaware ! 
How the bonfires and the torches 

Lighted up the night's repose, 
And from the flames, like fabled Phoenix, 

Our glorious Liberty arose ! 

That old State-House bell is silent, 
Hushed is now its clamorous tongue; 



28 MAKING AMERICANS 

But the spirit it awakened 

Still is living — ever young ; 
And when we greet the smiling sunlight 

On the Fourth of each July, 
We will ne'er forget the bell-man 

Who, betwixt the earth and sky, 
Rung out, loudly, "Independence" ; 

Which, please God, shall never die! 

— Author Unknown. 

13. In his attempt to turn the overwhelming power 
of the British Empire against America, King George 
failed miserably and utterly. All attempts to raise 
volunteers to fight us raised nothing but jeers. In the 
face of great popular support for the Colonies through- 
out the British Isles, voiced openly and violently, not 
only in tavern and highway, but unanimously by the 
strongest minds in the kingdom, and finding utterance 
in Parliament and even in his own household, he was 
powerless to conscript armies. He was confined in his 
military operations to such mercenaries as he could 
hire in Germany and the professional army under his 
orders at the beginning of the trouble. Nor was he able 
to count fully on the professional army. A great many 
of the best officers, some of them sons of the greatest 
families in the Empire, refused to serve. 

14. It was thoroughly understood by many in Eng- 
land that George Washington was fighting one of the 
great chain of battles that have marked the progress of 
civil liberty in the Anglo-Saxon world. The fall of 
events passed from his hands into the hands of British 
ministers whose convictions were one with those of 
Hamilton, Adams, and Benjamin Franklin. And this 
explains the unique circumstances under which the 



THE EXTENSION OF FREEDOM 29 

peace was concluded. An understanding was reached 
upon a basis of mutual confidence and fair dealing that 
has had no parallel in the history of the world. The 
astounding spectacle was presented to the amazed 
courts of Europe of the great Empire of Great Britain 
sending as peace commissioner to Paris a private gen- 
tleman, Richard Oswald, who had placed his fortune at 
Yorktown marked the fall of George III. Control of 
qualification, as stated by Lord Shelburne, was that 
he was an intimate and trusted friend of Benjamin 
Franklin. — Ralph W. Page. 

15. On April 19, 1783, exactly eight years after Lex- 
ington, Washington proclaimed the war at an end and 
discharged the army. 



30 MAKING AMERICANS 

THE CONSTITUTION 

1. We have five absolute rights. Three were brought 
from England by the founders of our nation, namely : 

1 — The Right of Personal Security. 
2 — The Right of Personal Liberty. 
3 — The Right of Personal Property, 
the disposal of the rebellious Colonies, and whose only 
Americans added : 

4 — The Right of Freedom in Religious Belief and 

Practice. 
5 — The Right of Freedom of Speech and of the 
Press. 

2. It is these principles, which the Constitution of 
the United States was formed to protect and preserve 
as the jewels of our nation. — W. M. Wiley. 

3. The Federal Constitution — the whole of it is noth- 
ing but a code of the people's liberties, political and 
civil. The Constitution is not a mass of rules, but the 
very substance of our freedom, not obsolete, but in 
every part alive; more needful now than ever, and as 
fitted to our needs.— Frederic J. Stimson, "The Ameri- 
can Constitution." 

4. The Constitution is itself in every rational sense 
and to every useful purpose a bill of rights. — Alexander 
Hamilton. 

5. The Constitution of the United States, with its 
fine equilibrium between efficient power and individual 
liberty, still remains the best hope of the world. If it 
should perish, the cause of true democracy would 
receive a fatal wound, and the best hopes of mankind 
would be irreparably disappointed. — James M. Beck. 



THE EXTENSION OF FREEDOM 31 

6. The Constitution was the first attempt in history 
to lay the foundations of government in the deep 
setting of human rights. This the great empires and 
even the republics of the past had not even attempted 
to do. The one really original idea in the American 
Constitution was the conception of liberty as a strictly 
personal prerogative to be secured by a fundamental 
public law. I say as a prerogative because liberty had 
previously been regarded as a trophy extorted from 
royalty, but the American conception was that liberty 
is something inherent in each individual as a moral 
personalty, and not a concession made to the people by 
a government. 

This liberty of the individual, this inherent right of 
the person to exercise his faculties and obtain and 
enjoy the rewards of such exercise — this prerogative to 
be and become all that nature had provided that the 
individual is capable of becoming — was to be protected 
by public law, which should therefore accord to every 
man the security and enjoyment of his powers and 
actions. — David Jayne Hill. 

7. "The framers of the Constitution had two things 
in mind : they were trying to make a national govern- 
ment which should be purely political, that is to say, 
have to do with the nation as a whole in its relation to 
other nations, should look out therefore for their peace 
and protect them in time of war ; and also to create and 
maintain State governments at home, to regulate the 
social affairs of the people. To the States, therefore, 
was intrusted a man's liberty in relation to other indi- 
viduals, a man's private property, all the regulation of 
his domestic concerns." 

8. The Supreme Court has been called a wonderful 



32 MAKING AMERICANS 

invention — the high guardian of the Constitution itself, 
so that no law can be enacted or any act done in possi- 
ble violation of any man's constitutional rights that the 
man himself, be he the humblest citizen, could not go 
into court and have the law annulled. — Stimson, "The 
American Constitution" 

9. The Constitution is the tablet where the people 
have written their will, and they have written their will 
that it shall never be changed, save in the manner 
they have appointed ; that is by an amendment ratified 
by the people's representatives in three-quarters of the 
states. — Stimson, "The American Constitution/' 

10. The Constitution is not an arbitrary, unchange- 
able document, but can be adapted to meet new condi- 
tions whenever the people so decide. It should be up- 
held because under its wise provisions the United States 
has developed into a great nation of happy and pros- 
perous people; because it contains sacred guarantees 
of protection for the individual ; and because it affords 
freedom and opportunity for every citizen, whether 
native-born or naturalized. American citizenship 
securely rests upon its firm foundation. — Henry Litch- 
field West. 

11. While the new Constitution was under discus- 
sion, pending adoption by Massachusetts, a farmer 
named Jonathan Smith rose in his place in the audience 
and declared : 

"I am a plain man and am not used to speaking in 
public, but I am going to show the effect of anarchy, 
that you may see why I wish for good government. 
Last winter people took up arms, and then, if you went 
to speak to them, you had the musjkg^gf cTeath presented 
to your breast. They would rob you of your property, 



THE EXTENSION OF FREEDOM 33 

threaten to burn your houses, oblige you to be on your 
guard night and day. Alarms spread from town to 
town; families were broken up; the tender mother 
would cry, '0, my son is among them ! What shall I do 
for my child?' Some were taken captive; children 
taken out of their schools and carried away. . . . 
How dreadful this was! Our distress was so great 
that we should have been glad to snatch at anything 
that looked like a government. . . . Now, Mr. 
President, when I saw this Constitution, I found that 
it was a cure for these disorders. " 

12. The Constitution remains the surest and safest 
foundation for a free government that the wit of man 
has yet devised. — Nicholas Murray Butler. 

13. OFFICIAL OATH OF ALLEGIANCE TAKEN BY THE 

PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 

I, A. B., do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will 
support and defend the Constitution of the United 
States against all enemies, foreign and domestic ; that I 
will bear true faith and allegiance to the same ; that I 
take this obligation freely, without any mental reserva- 
tion or purpose of evasion; and that I will well and 
faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which I 
am about to enter. So help me God. — "Revised Stat- 
utes of the United States/' Section 1757. 



34 MAKING AMERICANS 

How the Constitution Saved the Nation 

Note — This little play will make the children under- 
stand the dangers which faced us when the Constitu- 
tion was adopted, and which would face us again if the 
Constitution were overthrown. It would make an in- 
teresting number for a parents' program or for any 
patriotic occasion. 

Characters 

Thirteen Original States 
Columbia Madison 

Freedom Hamilton 

Washington Law 

Franklin Justice 

Scene — The Thirteen Original States, each bear- 
ing a name on a placard, should stand scattered on the 
stage, or in various parts of the room. They scowl at 
and turn away from each other, indicating disagree- 
ment. 

Columbia sits depressed and disconsolate in the cor- 
ner. Freedom tries vainly to comfort her. 

Columbia — No one, not even you, Freedom, is able 
to comfort me. Once I thought that when Freedom 
came, all troubles would vanish. For you my sons 
have fought and died, yet my troubles increase daily. 
What can I do? 

Freedom — These States of yours do not understand 
me. They do not value Freedom, or they confuse me 
with my enemy License. See, they all disagree and 
dispute. 

Massachusetts — My people riot. They refuse to pay 
our war debt, the price of Freedom. They revolt 



THE EXTENSION OF FREEDOM 35 

against more taxes, and see an enemy in any honest 
man who refuses to listen to their unreason. 

(New Jersey and New York appear to quarrel.) 

Ne%o Jersey (to New York) — What is Freedom for 
if I cannot do as I please? You shall not force me to 
pay taxes on food I sell your people. You wish to ruin 
me. 

Netv York (to New Jersey) — You shall not sell pro- 
duce to my people without paying me for the privilege. 
It is plain that you would ruin me. 

Rhode Island — I will have nothing to do with any of 
you. I was independent before any of you were, and 
independent I'll stay. 

(Others make menacing gestures at Rhode Island.) 

Columbia — I must call again on those who saved me 
through seven long years. Washington! Franklin! 
Madison ! Hamilton ! Come to my rescue ! 

(They appear.) 

Washington — Madam, you called? 

Columbia — Sir, I am distracted. Nothing but ruin 
can follow these quarrels between the States ; their bit- 
terness grows daily. Neither' Freedom nor myself can 
see a remedy. 

Washington — Madam, we will confer on this griev- 
ous situation. 

(The Statesmen confer; they seem to come to an 
agreement. Madison and Hamilton go out. They re- 
turn with "Law" and "Justice." A second conference 
is held.) 

Washington — Madam, we have brought to your aid 
the two sisters of Freedom, Law and Justice. Through 
them and this Constitution, which we have written to 
guard Freedom, Law and Justice, and guarantee the 
rights of every individual, all your unruly States will be 



36 MAKING AMERICANS 

brought together in bonds of union and good friend- 
ship. 

Law and Justice unroll a long white band, bearing 
on it in widely spaced letters : 

A Constitution 
Escorted by Madison and Hamilton — because 
through the writings of Madison and Hamilton in "The 
Federalist" the States were induced to accept the Con- 
stitution — they approach the States. 

The States, taking hold in the following order, are 
soon ranged in line across the stage, each holding to the 
band displayed in front, so that spectators can read the 
legend : 

Delaware on December 7, 1787 

Pennsylvania on December 12, 1787 

New Jersey on December 18, 1787 

Georgia on January 2, 1788 

Connecticut on January 9, 1788 

Massachusetts on February 6, 1788 

Maryland on April 18, 1788 

South Carolina on May 23, 1788 

New Hampshire .on June 21, 1788 

Virginia on June 26, 1788 

New York on July 26, 1788 

North Carolina on November 21, 1789 

Rhode Island .on May 29, 1790 

In unison they all recite the preamble to the Consti- 
tution, "We the people of the United States," etc. 

The entire assemblage should also recite in unison 
the pledge to support the Constitution of the United 
States : 

"We do solemnly promise to support and defend the 
Constitution of the United States against all enemies, 



THE EXTENSION OF FREEDOM 37 

foreign and domestic, and to bear true faith and 
allegiance to the Constitution and the United States 
of America." 



Our New Liberty Bell 
The Liberty Bell is calling, 

From the schoolhouse on the hill. 
Its mellow notes re-echo 

From the mountains, cold and still. 
Through the village streets they travel, 

As a summons to the free : 
For the schoolhouse is the cradle 

Of our country's Liberty. 

Not on battle field where cannon 

Pour their shells upon the foe, 
Can you train the soul of Freedom 

In the things it ought to know. 
That old Bell in Philadelphia, 

Rang its notes, and then was still ! 
But its voice to-day is speaking 

From the schoolhouse on the hill. 

—R. M. McElroy. 



38 MAKING AMERICANS 

THE MONROE DOCTRINE 

1. The Monroe Doctrine made the American Con- 
tinents safe for Democracy. 

2. The roots of the Monroe Doctrine may be found 
in the neutrality proclamation of Washington, and in 
Jefferson's warning against entangling alliances. 

3. The English government had suggested that the 
two nations should guard against encroachment of 
European powers on the freedom of colonies in Amer- 
ica. Great Britain's offer was declined, but Monroe, 
on the advice of Jefferson, issued in a message to Con- 
gress a statement since known as the Monroe Doctrine. 

4. In 1865 the Monroe Doctrine kept France out of 
Mexico. In 1895 it was invoked against England in 
the Venezuela boundary dispute. 

EXTRACTS FROM MONROE'S MESSAGE. 

5. "The American continents, by the free and inde- 
pendent condition which they have assumed and main- 
tained, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects 
for future colonization by any European powers." 

6. We owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the ami- 
cable relations existing between the United States and 
those powers to declare, that we should consider any 
attempt on their part to extend their system to any 
portion of this hemisphere, as dangerous to our peace 
and safety. 

7. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any 
European power, we have not interfered, and shall not 
interfere. But ivith the governments who have declared 
their independence, and maintained it, and whose inde- 



THE EXTENSION OF FREEDOM 39 

pendence we have, on great consideration, and on just 
principles, acknowledged, we could not view any inter- 
position for the purpose of oppressing them, or con- 
trolling, in any manner, their destiny, by any European 
power, in any other light than as the manifestation of 
an unfriendly disposition towards the United States. 

8. It is a mistake to believe that the Monroe Doctrine 
is becoming obsolete. It is more firmly embedded in 
the American heart than ever before. — H. W. Elson, 
"History of United States." 



40 MAKING AMERICANS 

"TO FORM A MORE PERFECT UNION"— THE 
CIVIL WAR 

1. The Constitution, in all its provisions, looks to an 
indestructible Union composed of indestructible States. 
— Salmon P. Chase. 

2. A house divided against itself cannot stand. I be- 
lieve this government cannot endure permanently half 
slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be 
dissolved — I do not expect the house to fall — but I do 
expect it will cease to be divided. — Lincoln (1858). 

3. It is not merely for to-day, but for all time to 
come, that we should perpetuate for our children's chil- 
dren that great and free government which we have 
enjoyed all our lives. . . . I happen, temporarily, 
to occupy this White House. I am a living witness that 
any one of your children may look to come here as my 
father's child has. It is in order that each one of you 
may have through this free government which we have 
enjoyed, an open field and a fair chance for your indus- 
try, enterprise, and intelligence, that you may all have 
equal privileges in the race of life. ... It is for 
this the struggle should be maintained. — Lincoln 
(186b). 

4. I would save the Union. I would save it the short- 
est way under the Constitution. The sooner the na- 
tional authority can be restored, the nearer the Union 
will be "the Union as it was." . . . If I could save 
the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it ; and 
if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do 
it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving 
others alone, I would also do that. What I do . . . 
I do because I believe it helps to save the Union. — 
Lincoln (Letter to Horace Greeley, 1862). 



THE EXTENSION OF FREEDOM 41 

Lincoln's Dedicatory Address at Gettysburg 

(Delivered at the National Cemetery November 19, 

1863) 

Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought 
forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in Lib- 
erty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are 
created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil 
war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so con- 
ceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met 
on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to 
dedicate a portion of that field, as the final resting-place 
for those who here gave their lives that that nation 
might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we 
should do this. But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedi- 
cate — we cannot consecrate — we cannot hallow — this 
ground. The brave men, living and dead, who strug- 
gled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power 
to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long 
remember, what we say here, but it can never forget 
what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be 
dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who 
fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is 
rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task 
remaining before us — that from these honored dead we 
take increased devotion to that cause for which they 
gave the last full measure of devotion — that we here 
highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in 
vain — that this nation, under God, shall have a new 
birth of freedom — and that government of the people, 
by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the 
earth. 



42 MAKING AMERICANS 

5. Lincoln's Gettysburg Speech was not only printed 
at once in all the newspapers of the North, but it was 
immediately cabled to Europe by the foreign corre- 
spondents. It made a profound impression in England, 
and in translations it appeared in all the Continental 
countries. Almost extemporaneous as it was, it has 
gained recognition as one of the classics of world liter- 
ature. Wherever men and women teach children the 
duties of citizenship, the Gettysburg Speech is heard. 

6. The children of the republic must never forget the 
men who served the republic in the four years of Civil 
War from 1861 to 1865. We must never forget that the 
stories which are very easy to read in our books were 
very hard to write when the men wrote them with their 
labor and with blood on fields of battle. The men 
whom we see now as veterans of the Grand Army of 
the Republic are white haired and old. When they 
enlisted they were boys and young men, and they went 
out to face difficulties and dangers because they loved 
our country and were willing to die in order that she 
might be free. They did America a service whose 
memories are deathless. They learned in time of war 
what we must never forget in times of peace; how 
beautiful and how precious our country is and that her 
supreme beauty is the beauty of goodness, of liberty, 
and of brotherhood. — Gains Glenn Atkins. 

7. We should honor the veterans of the Grand Army 
of the Republic, not only for their achievements in 
arms, but also for their physical and moral courage 
during the war. The story of their deeds tells of valor, 
endurance, personal sacrifice, discipline, and love of flag 
and country. No school-boy to-day, however, need 
wait for another war, in order to emulate their example 



THE EXTENSION OF FREEDOM 43 

or their virtues. The very qualities that distinguish 
the veterans of the war are among the beginnings of 
manhood and citizenship. The boy who can exercise 
self-control and deny himself a pleasure or comfort, if 
need be, who obeys his superiors and respects his elders, 
who is brave in meeting the tasks of home and school, 
and who is true and loyal to parents, friends and coun- 
try, has in him the making of a man, a citizen, and if 
his country ever needs him, a worthy soldier and war- 
rior. — Frederick Rueckert. 

8. Remember that we are one country now. Do not 
bring up your children in hostility to the government of 
the United States. Bring them up to be Americans. — 
Robert E. Lee. 



44 MAKING AMERICANS 

"TO PROMOTE DOMESTIC TRANQUILLITY"— THE 
SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 

1. To save the remnants of the Cuban people from 
destruction and to put an end to the intolerable disturb- 
ances at our very border, the United States finally 
declared war against Spain in 1898. 

2. Whenever the weak and weary are ridden down by 

the strong, 
Whenever the voice of honor is drowned by the 

howling throng, 
Whenever the right pleads clearly while the lords 

of life are dumb, 
The times of forbearance are over and the time to 

strike is come. 

— William Herbert Carruth. 

3. In the name of humanity, in the name of civiliza- 
tion, in behalf of endangered American interests, which 
give us the right and the duty to speak and act, the war 
in Cuba must stop. — William McKinley. 

4. More than once before has there been danger of 
international conflict, as, for instance, when American 
sailors on the Virginius were executed in Cuba in 1873. 
Propositions have been made to buy the island and 
plans have been made to annex it, all the while there 
have been American interests in Cuba. Our citizens 
have owned property and made investments there and 
done much to develop fertility. They have paid tribute, 
unlawful as well as lawful, both to insurgents and to 
Spanish officials. They have lost property for which no 
indemnity has been paid. 

5. The spectacle of the utter ruin of an adjoining 



THE EXTENSION OF FREEDOM 45 

country, by nature one of the most fertile and charming 
on the globe, would engage the serious attention of the 
government and people of the United States in any cir- 
cumstance. In point of fact, they have a concern with 
it which is by no means of a wholly sentimental or 
philanthropic character. It lies so near us as to be 
hardly separated from our territory. Our actual pecu- 
niary interest is second only to that of the people and 
government of Spain. 

6. When a hopeless struggle has degenerated into a 
strife which means nothing more than the useless sac- 
rifice of human life and the utter destruction of the 
very subject matter of the conflict, a situation will be 
presented in which our obligations to the sovereignty 
of Spain will be superseded by higher obligations which 
we can hardly hesitate to recognize and discharge. — 
Grover Cleveland (1896). 

7. In view of these facts and of these considerations, 
I ask the Congress to authorize and empower the Presi- 
dent to take measures to secure a full and final termi- 
nation of hostilities between the government of Spain 
and the people of Cuba, and to secure in the island the 
establishment of a stable government capable of main- 
taining order and observing its international obliga- 
tions, insuring peace and tranquillity and the security 
of its citizens, as well as our own, and to use the mili- 
tary and naval forces of the United States as may be 
necessary for these purposes. 

8. In the interest of humanity and to aid in preserv- 
ing the lives of the starving people of the island, I 
recommend that the distribution of food and supplies be 
continued, and that an appropriation be made out of 



46 MAKING AMERICANS 

the public treasury to supplement the charity of our 
citizens. 

9. The issue is now with the Congress. It is a 
solemn responsibility. I have exhausted every effort 
to relieve the intolerable condition of affairs which is 
at our doors. Prepared to execute every obligation im- 
posed upon me by the Constitution and the law, I await 
your action.— McKinley. 

10. On April 19, 1898, Congress adopted resolutions 
declaring that the people of Cuba were free and inde- 
pendent ; demanding that Spain at once relinquish its 
authority and government in Cuba; and stating that 
the United States disclaimed any disposition or inten- 
tion to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control 
over the island, except for its pacification, and that 
when pacification was accomplished the United States 
would leave the government and control of the island 
to its people. On April 25, Congress passed an act 
declaring that war with Spain had existed since April 
21. 

11. The Spanish War found North and South united. 
Descendants of the Blue and the Gray fought side by 
side with Roosevelt's Rough Riders, recruited from the 
plains of the West and the cities of the East. Dewey's 
victory at Manila, May 1, 1898, the destruction of 
Cervera's fleet July 3, and the surrender of Santiago, 
July 17, brought the short war, fought for humanity, 
to a successful and honorable close. 

12. What defenders, my countrymen, have we now? 
The army of Grant and the army of Lee are together. 
They are one now in faith, in hope, in fraternity, in 
purpose, and in invincible patriotism, in justice strong, 
and in devotion to the flag all one. — McKinley. 



THE EXTENSION OF FREEDOM 47 

13. When, upon various occasions, the conquest of 
Cuba was suggested to America, upon grounds of self- 
interest, our people remained cold and unresponsive. 
But when the voice of justice demanded our interven- 
tion, we struck, and won a victory designed to give and 
not to get. To-day, a free Cuba bears witness to a new 
force in the history of colonial empire; a new theory 
which Says that colonies exist for the benefit of the 
colonists, and not for the purpose of adding wealth to 
the mother-country. — R. M. McElroy. 

14. Remember, my friends, that one of the most glo- 
rious pages in the history of your country concerns her 
efforts to bring independence to the Republic of Cuba. 
— C. cle Quesada, Vice-Consul of the Republic of Cuba. 

15. In Cuba we kept our promise absolutely. Having 
delivered the island from its oppressors, we refused to 
turn it loose offhand, with the certainty that it would 
sink back into chaos and savagery. For over three 
years we administered it on a plane higher than it had 
ever reached before during the 400 years that had 
elapsed since the Spaniards first landed upon its 
shores. We brought moral and physical cleanliness 
into the government. We cleaned the cities for the 
first time in their existence. We stamped out yellow 
fever — an inestimable boon not merely to Cuba but to 
the people of the Southern states as well. We estab- 
lished a school system. We made life and property 
secure, so that industry could again begin to thrive. 
Then, when we had laid deep and broad the foundations 
upon which civil liberty and national independence 
must rest, we turned the island over to the hands of 
those whom its people had chosen as the founders of the 
new republic. — Roosevelt. 



48 MAKING AMERICANS 

"TO SECURE THE BLESSINGS OF LIBERTY."— 
THE WORLD WAR 

Representative Democracy Wins Against Autocracy — 

1914-1918 

1. If there is to be in the coming century a great 
battle of Armageddon — once more Europe against the 
Huns — we can no more help taking our part with the 
hosts of freedom than we can help educating our chil- 
dren, building our churches, or maintaining the rights 
of the individual. — Albert Bushnell Hart (1901). 

2. As one hundred and forty years ago our ancestors 
won the independence we now enjoy; as our fathers 
fought to preserve the Union in which we live ; so now 
men die in France to preserve for them, for us, for 
coming generations, a heritage of liberty, justice, hu- 
manity, democracy. — Howard C. Hill. 

3. Let this nation fear God and take its own part. 
Let it scorn to do wrong to great or small. Let it exer- 
cise patience and charity toward all other peoples and 
yet at whatever cost stand for the right. The only kind 
of peace worth having is the peace of righteousness 
and justice. — Roosevelt. 

4. It is plain enough how we were forced into the 
war. The extraordinary insults and aggressions of 
the Imperial German Government left us no self-re- 
specting choice but to take up arms in defense of our 
rights as a free people and of our honor as a sovereign 
government. The military masters of Germany denied 
us the right to be neutral. They filled our unsuspecting 
communities with vicious spies and conspirators and 
sought to corrupt the opinion of our people in their own 



THE EXTENSION OF FREEDOM 49 

behalf. When they found that they could not do that, 
their agents diligently spread sedition amongst us and 
sought to draw our own citizens from their allegiance, 
— and some of those agents were men connected with 
the official Embassy of the German Government itself 
here in our own capital. They sought by violence to 
destroy our industries and arrest our commerce. They 
tried to incite Mexico to take up arms against us and 
to draw Japan into a hostile alliance with her, — and 
that, not by direction, but by direct suggestion from 
the Foreign Office in Berlin. They impudently denied 
us the use of the high seas and repeatedly executed 
their threat that they would send to their death any of 
our people who ventured to approach the coasts of Eu- 
rope. And many of our own people were corrupted. 
Men began to look upon their own neighbors with sus- 
picion and to wonder in their hot resentment and sur- 
prise whether there was any community in which hos- 
tile intrigue did not lurk. What great nation in such 
circumstances would not have taken up arms? Much 
as we had desired peace, it was denied us, and not of 
our own choice. This flag under which we serve would 
have been dishonored had we withheld our hand. — 
Wilson, "Flag-Day Address" (Washington, June 11+, 
1917). 

5. On the second of April, 1917, the President read 
to the new Congress his message, in which he asked 
the Representatives of the Nation to declare the exist- 
ence of a state of war, and in the early hours of the 
sixth of April the House by an overwhelming vote ac- 
cepted the joint resolution which had already passed 
the Senate : 

"Whereas the Imperial German Government has 



50 MAKING AMERICANS 

committed repeated acts of war against the Govern- 
ment and the people of the United States of America : 
Therefore be it 

"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives of the United States of America in Congress 
assembled, That the state of war between the United 
States and the Imperial German Government which has 
thus been thrust upon the United States is hereby 
formally declared ; and that the President be, and he is 
hereby, authorized and directed to employ the entire 
naval and military forces of the United States and the 
resources of the Government to carry on war against 
the Imperial German Government; and to bring the 
conflict to a successful termination all the resources 
of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress of 
the United States." 

6. The right is more precious than peace, and we 
shall fight for the things which we have always carried 
nearest our hearts, — for democracy, for the right of 
those who submit to authority to have a voice in their 
own governments, for the rights and liberties of small 
nations, for a universal domination of right by such a 
concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety 
to all nations and make the world itself at last free. To 
such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, 
everything that we are and everything that we have, 
with the pride of those who know that the day has 
come when America is privileged to spend her blood 
and her might for the principles that gave her birth 
and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. 
God helping her, she can do no other.— Wilson, "War 
Message" (Delivered before Congress, April 2, 1917). 

7. Better be dead than dishonored, is the rule for a 



THE EXTENSION OF FREEDOM 51 

man. Better be annihilated than dishonored, is the rule 
for a country. No man lives for himself; no country 
exists just for itself. — Cardinal Mercier. 

8. It was only a little river, almost a brook; it was 
called the Yser. One could talk from one side to the 
other without raising one's voice, and the birds could 
fly over it with one sweep of their wings. And on the 
two banks there were millions of men, the one turned 
toward the other, eye to eye. But the distance which 
separated them was greater than the stars in the sky ; it 
was the distance which separates right from injustice. 

The ocean is so vast that the seagulls do not dare to 
cross it. During seven days and seven nights the great 
steamships of America, going at full speed, drive 
through the deep waters before the lighthouses of 
France come into view ; but from one side to the other 
hearts are touching. — Letter of a French school-girl, 
quoted by Dr. John Finley. 

Two Friends in Need 
Lafayette, 1777 — Pershing, 1917. 

9. What was the strange tale that came to Lafayette 
from the New World? Was it a tale of liberty tri- 
umphant and conquering, a tale to touch the imagina- 
tion of a soldier through the glory of a winning cause 
Far from it! The American army was becoming de- 
moralized. The militia were impatient to return home, 
were disobedient to orders, and were deserting in large 
numbers — "by half and even whole regiments. " 

10. There was no winning cause to lure him, merely 
thirteen little newly-born republics struggling for a 
principle, fighting for democracy — a weak, bedraggled, 



52 MAKING AMERICANS 

and dispirited democracy, a democracy half clad and 
poverty-stricken, a barefooted, half-naked democracy 
that was very nearly down and out. 

11. Franklin and Deane, our representatives in 
Paris, almost despairing of the success of our cause, 
honorably endeavored to dissuade Lafayette from his 
intention of joining the Americans. France was then 
at peace and the king forbade his departure. Under the 
laws of France he risked the confiscation of all his prop- 
erty, as well as capture on the high seas. 

12. "Now/' he replied to Franklin and Deane, "is 
precisely the moment to serve your cause; the more 
people are discouraged, the greater utility will result 
from my departure ; and if you cannot furnish me with 
a vessel I shall charter one at my own expense to con- 
vey your despatches and my person to the shores of 
America." 

13. Lafayette arrived in America in June, 1777, and 
at once plunged into the straggle. For four years he 
was in active service under General Washington. He 
was with Washington at Yorktown, and when we had 
finally won our freedom he returned to France. — 
Adapted from "The Spirit of Lafayette" by J. M. 
Hallowell. 

14. Lafayette visited America again in 1824. "You 
are ours, Sir," said President Adams to him, "by that 
unshaken sentiment of gratitude for your services 
which is a precious portion of our inheritance ; ours by 
that tie of love, stronger than death, which has linked 
your name for the endless ages of time with the name 
of Washington." 

15. One hundred and forty years later France 



THE EXTENSION OF FREEDOM 53 

needed a friend. In the Great War the hopes of the 
Allies ran high at the beginning of 1917. The Rus- 
sian army was equipped as never before — a double 
offensive was planned by the English and French 
Armies in France and by the Russians against Ger- 
many and Austria. 

Suddenly, on March 15, the Czar was overthrown. 
The whole Russian army became demoralized. The 
Russian troops refused to fight Germans, shot their 
own officers and turned their regiments into debating 
societies. Russia was out of the war — all chance for 
the Allies to win in 1917 was lost. 

16. France and England had their backs to the wall. 
France, bled white, entering the fourth year of the war, 
needed a friend. 

17. Then Uncle Sam stepped in. Our debt to Lafay- 
ette could now be paid. The first units of the Ameri- 
can Expeditionary Force reached France in June, 1917. 
They kept coming until 2,000,000 men were on the soil 
of France. Consequently, when in 1918, Marshal Foch 
was made commander-in-chief of the Allied forces, 
General Pershing could place at his disposal a great 
American army — an army which in the last two months 
of the war recovered great areas of territory for the 
French and freed thousands of the people from the 
Prussian yoke. 

18. So were the two great republics united again in 
time of need, and so was expressed the gratitude of a 
great nation, — implied by General Pershing when, 
standing at the tomb of Lafayette, he said with sol- 
dierly directness, "Lafayette, we are here." — Adapted 
from the "Handbook of War Facts'' by Frothingham. 

19. A letter from the German Emperor, written to a 



54 MAKING AMERICANS 

German woman who had lost nine sons in the war, and 
published in the European press, is sharply in contrast 
with the famous letter of President Lincoln to Mrs. 
Bixby, a Massachusetts widow, written during the Civil 
War. 

20. (The Kaiser's Letter) 

His Majesty the Kaiser hears that you have sacrificed 
nine sons in defense of the Fatherland in the present 
war. His Majesty is immensely gratified at the fact, 
and in recognition is pleased to send you his photo- 
graph, with frame and autograph signature. 

21. (Lincoln's Letter) 

Dear Madam — I have been shown in the files of the 
War Department a statement of the Adjutant Gen- 
eral of Massachusetts that you are the mother of five 
sons who have died gloriously on the field of battle. I 
feel how weak and fruitless must be any words of mine 
which should attempt to beguile you from the grief of 
a loss so overwhelming. But I cannot refrain from 
tendering to you the consolation that may be found in 
the thanks of the Republic tYev I pray 

that our Heavenly Father may assuage the anguish 
your bereavement and leave you only the cherished 
memory of the loved and lost, and the solemn pride 
that must be yours to have laid so costly a sacrific 
upon the altar of freedom. 

22. The earnest belief of every member of the Expe- 
ditionary Forces in the justice of our cause was produc- 
tive of a form of self-imposed discipline among our 
soldiers which must be regarded as an unusual develop- 
ment of this war, a fact which materially aided us to 
organize and employ in an incredibly short space of 



THE EXTENSION OF FREEDOM 55 

time the extraordinary fighting machine developed in 
France. — Pershing. 

23. Then conquer we must, when our cause it is just, 
And this be our motto: "In God is our trust !" 

And the star-spangled banner in triumph shall 

wave 
O'er the land of the free and the home of the 

brave. — Francis Scott Key. 

24. After two and half years of doubt and hesitation 
we entered the world war. By Thanksgiving, 1917, we 
had begun to see what our part must be and were deter- 
mined to do our utmost to save the blessings of liberty 
for ourselves and the world. The nation thanked God 
that it was fit to fight for freedom. 

Thanksgiving Day — 1917 

Let us give thanks, and lift our ringing voices, 

Though not for plenty, nor for paths of peace ; 
Let us rejoice, as a strong man rejoices 

To run his race ; — nor pray for swift release ; 
We who have doubted, dumb with indecision, 

Nor turned our faltering footstep toward the Right, 
We who have heeded not the surer vision, 

Let us give thanks — for we have seen the light. 

Let us give thanks that once again, compelling, 

Our flag shall float for freedom to the skies, 
Ten thousand times ten thousand voices swelling 

Proclaim our service and our sacrifice. 
Let us give thanks — an undivided nation, 

One-purposed now, we press toward the goal, 
To thee, our Father's God and our Salvation, 

Let us give thanks — for we have found our soul ! 
— Corinne Roosevelt Robinson. 



56 MAKING AMERICANS 

25. By Thanksgiving, 1918 we had carried out our 
promise. The armistice had been signed. We could 
thank God that we had "borne our part." 

Thanksgiving Day — 1918 

Let us give thanks and meet with head uplifted 

The pealing bells that ring for righteous peace; 
Now that the coward souls like sand are sifted, 

We, who are purged, can welcome our release. 
Had we not seen the light, our honor lying 

Like unsheathed sword, had lost its dauntless edge — 
Had we not conquered death by our own dying 

We had been false to Freedom's fairest pledge. 

But now we kneel, eyes lifted in Thanksgiving, 
With peace triumphant deep within our heart, 

We, who have failed nor fallen dead, nor living, 
Let us give thanks, for we have borne our part ! 

— Corinne Roosevelt Robinson. 

(These two poems reprinted through permission of 
Mrs. Corinne Roosevelt Robinson, by courtesy of 
Charles Scribner's Sons.) 



THE EXTENSION OF FREEDOM 57 

Victory ! 

"Then came a runner to Athens from Marathon and 
he cried out: 'Rejoice! We conquer!' " 

"Armageddon is fought and won — 

Fought and won for the Lord to-day!' 9 
Jubilant bell and roaring gun 

Follow the Word on its wondrous way ! 
See them thronging the fla^-decked space — 

Father and Mother, child and wife — 
Tear- wet eye and transfigured face, 

Greeting the Crowning Day of Life! 

"What do they say?'* xC ts not clear. 
"What is the musicV I do not hear! 

Still you deem me and cold perchance — 

Ah ! but my soul is far away ! 
How, having bled four years in France 

Could it be absent on this Day ? 

Turn your face to the East with me, 
See the Vision my eyes can see ! 
Here is Victory Celebrate, 
But I gaze on Victory Incarnate: — 

Swirling up from a war-scarred plain — 

Flanders Fields ! We have kept the Faith ! — 
Souls exultant the news proclaim ! 

Gone the bound'ries 'twixt Life and Death— 
Mud-caked men by the cooling guns 

Swing their steel hats up in the air — 
Up, where the New-Dead pause to greet 

The End they died for ! — ere on they fare : 
Up ! through a smother of rushing wings, 

High and higher the whirlwind goes 



58 MAKING AMERICANS 

Through Blinding Glories, till prone we fall 
And hide our eyes at the Journey's Close ! — 

Hide our eyes, but we yet can hear 

The mingled Chorus of Earth and Sky 

The stern "Hurrah !" of the fighting men, 
The crash of Heavenly melody : — 
"Alleluia!" 

Silver trumpet and angel voice — 

"The earth is the Lord's! Rejoice! Rejoice! 

Alleluia! Alleluia! 
For the Lord God Omnipotent reigneth!" 
— Laura Armistead Carter. 

(From, "Wind and Blue Water," by permission Corn- 
hill Co., Boston). 



PART II 

The Meaning of America 



1. Americanism is a question of spirit, conviction, 
and purpose, not of creed or birthplace. — Roosevelt. 

2. The term "American" came into use in the Revo- 
lutionary War. 

The distinctions between Virginia, Pennsylvania, 
New York, and New England are no more. I am not a 
Virginian, but an American. — Patrick Henry. 

3. There ought to be no New England man, no New 
Yorker, known on the Continent, but all of us Ameri- 
cans. — Christopher Gadsden (At Convention to pro- 
test against the Stamp Act). 

4. Citizens by birth or choice of a common country, 
that country has a right to concentrate your affections. 
— The name of American, which belongs to you, in your 
national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of 
patriotism, more than any appellation derived from 
local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, 
you have the same religion, manners, habits, and polit- 
ical principles. You have in a common cause fought 
and triumphed together ; the independence and liberty 
•you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint 
efforts — of common dangers, sufferings, and successes. 
— Washington, "Farewell Address." 



60 MAKING AMERICANS 

5. When you say "an American," what do you mean? 
Do you mean a person of English blood? The Ameri- 
cans without English blood are vastly more numerous 
than those whose ancestors were English. "American" 
is a term which has no relation to blood. You may be 
of pure German blood and yet be a real American. 
You may be of pure Irish blood and yet be a real 
American. You may be of Russian, Hebrew, Italian, 
Polish, French, Belgian or Austrian blood and yet as 
real an American as if your ancestors had come to this 
country on board the Mayflower, or had fought with 
Washington to create the Republic, or later, with Lin- 
coln, to save it. Each may easily become a real Amer- 
ican, if he has but the spirit of loyalty to the ideals 
which have made this nation out of many races. — R. M. 
McElroy. 

6. Our principle in this matter should be absolutely 
simple. In the first place we should insist that if the 
immigrant who comes here does in good faith become 
an American and assimilates himself to us he shall be 
treated on an exact equality with everyone else, for it is 
an outrage to discriminate against any such man be- 
cause of creed or birthplace or origin. 

7. But this is predicated upon the man's becoming in 
very fact an American and nothing but an American. 
If he tries to keep segregated with men of his own 
origin and separated from the rest of America, then 
he isn't doing his part as an American. 

8. There can be no divided allegiance here. Any man 
who says he is an American, but something else also, 
isn't an American at all. We have room for but one 
flag, the American flag, and this excludes the red flag, 
which symbolizes all wars against liberty and civiliza- 



THE MEANING OF AMERICA 61 

tion, just as much as it excludes any foreign flag of a 
nation to which we are hostile. 

9. We have room for one soul loyalty and that is 
loyalty to the American people. — Roosevelt. 

10. Unless democracy is based on the principle of 
service by everybody who claims the enjoyment of any 
right, it is not true democracy at all. The man who 
refuses to render, or is ashamed to render, the neces- 
sary service is not fit to live in a democracy. And the 
man who demands from another a service which he 
himself would esteem it dishonorable or unbecoming to 
render, is to that extent not a true democrat. No man 
has a right to demand a service which he does not re- 
gard it honorable to render; nor has he a right to 
demand it unless he pays for it in some way, the pay- 
ment to include respect for the man who renders it. 
Democracy must mean mutuality of service rendered 
and of respect for service rendered. — Roosevelt. 

11. And remember also that this freedom depends 
upon you. America's power for good must come as a 
free-will offering from her people; but her strength 
may become a power for evil, merely by their neglect. 
The plant of liberty must be tended : but license grows 
like the tares among the wheat, as the fruit of care- 
lessness. Liberty is the glory of a republic; but 
license — contempt for law and order and discipline — 
is its deadly foe. "America means freedom for the 
world," but she can hope to see her desire realized only 
by proving that a republic can be honest and efficient, 
as well as free. — R. M. McElroy. 

12. Who are the foreign born? Not those 
Whose pulses to Old Glory thrill, 



62 MAKING AMERICANS 

Who would protect it with their blows 

From insult of a tyrant's will. 

What though their bodies sprang from earth 

Upon a strange and distant strand, 

'Tis here their spirits found their birth, 

And they are natives in the land. 

— McLandburgh Wilson. 

13. A refuge for the wronged and poor, 

Thy generous heart has borne the blame, 
That, with them, through thy open door, 
The old world's evil outcasts came. 

But, with thy just and equal rule, . 

And labor's need and breadth of lands, 
Free press and rostrum, church and school. 

Thy sure, if slow, transforming hands 

Shall mould even them to thy design, 

Making a blessing of the ban ; 
And Freedom's chemistry combine 

The alien elements of man. 

—Whittier, "Our Country" (1883). 

14. Our flag means all that our fathers meant in the 
Revolutionary War. 

It means all that the Declaration of Independence 
meant. 

It means justice. 

It means liberty. 

It means happiness. 

Our flag carries American ideas, American history, 
and American feelings. 

Every color means liberty. 

Every thread means liberty. 



THE MEANING OF AMERICA 63 

Every star means liberty. 

The flag does not mean lawlessness, but liberty 
through law, and laws for liberty. 

Forget not what it means. For the sake of its ideas, 
be true to your country's flag. — Adapted from an Ad- 
dress by Henry Ward Beecher. 

15. No nation can achieve real greatness if its people 
are not essentially moral and essentially manly. Both 
sets of qualities are necessary. — Roosevelt. 

16. America has always favored education for right- 
eousness and service. 

17. There should be a public school provided with 
good teachers, so that first of all in so wild a country 
the youth be well taught and brought up not only in 
reading and writing but also in the knowledge and fear 
of God. — Junker Adrien Van der Donck (Suggestion 
to the government of New Netherland.) 

18. Religion, morality, and knowledge being neces- 
sary to good government and the happiness of man- 
kind, schools and the means of education shall forever 
be encouraged. — Art. 3, Ordinance of 1787 for Organ- 
ization of Northwest Territory. 

19. 'Tis substantially true, that virtue or morality is 
a necessary spring of popular government. The rule 
indeed extends with more or less force to every species 
of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it 
can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the 
foundation of the fabric? 

20. Promote, then, as an object of primary impor- 
tance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowl- 
edge. In proportion as the structure of a government 
gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public 



64 MAKING AMERICANS 

opinion should be enlightened. — Washington, "Fareivell 
Address" (1796). 

21. These extra verses of "America" show "equality 
of opportunity": 

Our glorious land today, 
'Neath education's sway 

Soars upward still. 
Its halls of learning fair, 
Whose bounties all may share, 
Behold them everywhere, 

In vale, on hill ! 

Thy safeguard, liberty, 
The school shall ever be, 

Our nation's pride ! 
No tyrant hand shall smite, 
While with encircling might 
All here are taught the right 

With truth allied. 

— S. F. Smith. 



THE MEANING OF AMERICA 65 



DEMOCRACY 

1. The world must be made safe for democracy. — 

Wilson. 

2. This world will not be a safe place for any of us 
to live in, until it is a safe place for all of us to live in. 
— Roosevelt. 

3. Emerson said: "America is God's last chance to 
save the world." But we know that a Democracy of 
ignorance is the vainest of delusions. If America is to 
fulfill her destiny, she must be a Democracy based 
upon real, effective universal education. — R. M. Mc- 
Elroy. 

4. Democracy comes from two Greek words: 
"demos," meaning people, and "kratein," meaning to be 

strong. 

5. Democracy is a political principle, the aim of 
which is that government shall not be controlled by one 
class or group — but rather by the whole populace. — 
A. S. Sachs. 

6. You cannot become thorough Americans if you 
think of yourselves in groups. America does not con- 
sist of groups. — Wilson (Address at Philadelphia, May 
10, 1915) 

7. Our country is the greatest democracy in the 
world. — Samuel Gompers. 

8. Democracy means a clear pathway for merit of 
whatever kind. — Lowell. 

9. Democracy is that form of society in which every 
man has a chance and knows that he has one. — Lowell. 



66 MAKING AMERICANS 

10. America means equality of opportunity for each 
individual, by his own effort, to work out his own hap- 
piness. — W. S. Myers. 

11. This government is expressly charged with the 
duty of providing for the general welfare. — Lincoln. 

12. I say the mission of government in civilized lands 
is not authority alone (not even of law) , nor the rule 
of the best man — but to train communities through all 
their grades, beginning with individuals and ending 
there again, to rule themselves. — Walt Whitman. 

13. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that 
all men are created equal, that they are endowed by 
their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that 
among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi- 
ness. That to secure these rights, governments are 
instituted among men, deriving their just powers from 
the consent of the governed. — Declaration of Independ- 
ence. 

14. The State, as Aristotle says, having begun as a 
means of making life possible, continues as a means 
of making life prosperous. When once the necessary 
basis of authority is established, that authority becomes 
with each generation more impartial and more abso- 
lute, protecting the laborer as well as the soldier and 
politician. — Arthur T. Hadley. 

15. Our government was made by patriotic, unself- 
fish, sober-minded men for the control and protection of 
a patriotic, unselfish, and sober-minded people. It is 
suited to such a people ; but for those who are selfish, 
corrupt and unpatriotic it is the worst government on 
earth. It is so constructed that it needs for its suc- 
cessful operation the constant care and guiding hand of 



THE MEANING OF AMERICA 67 

the people's abiding faith and love, and not only is this 
unremitting guidance necessary to keep our national 
mechanism true to its work, but the faith and love that 
prompt it are the best safeguards against selfish citi- 
zenship. — Grover Cleveland. 

16. The whole nation must be a team, in which each 
man shall play the part for which he is best fitted. — 
Wilson. 

17. The flag of a free country does not take care of 
itself. Whether it shall command respect or not is to be 
determined by the quality of the Nation's life. It rests 
with all the people, — it is for us and for those who shall 
come after us, to say whether its ancient glory shall 
play about it still. If we respect the majesty of the 
flag, we must keep it the badge of worth as well as the 
badge of power, that all men, unchallenged, shall make 
haste to pay obeisance to it. — Robert S. Rantoul. 

18. I believe that our people will make democracy 
successful. — Roosevelt. 

19. . , . that government of the people, for the 
people, by the people, shall not perish from the earth. 
— Lincoln. 



68 MAKING AMERICANS 



PATRIOTISM 

1. The human race pays homage to patriotism 
because of its supreme value. The value of patriotism 
to a people is above gold and precious stones, above 
commerce and industry, above citadels and warships. 
It is the vital spark of the nation's honor, the living 
fount of the nation's prosperity, the strong shield of the 
nation's safety. Next to God is country and next to 
religion is patriotism. — Archbishop Ireland. 

2. Noah Webster defines patriotism as the passion 
which aims to serve one's country, either in defending 
it from invasion, or protecting its rights and maintain- 
ing its laws and institutions in vigor and purity; it is 
characteristic of a good citizen, the noblest passion that 
animates man in the character of a citizen. — Dr. Peter 
Roberts. 

3. Breathes there the man with soul so dead 
Who never to himself hath said, 

This is my own, my native land ! 
Whose heart hath ne'er within him burned, 
As home his footsteps he hath turned 

From wandering on a foreign strand? 
If such there breathe, go, mark him well ; 
For him no minstrel raptures swell ; 
High though his titles, proud his name, 
Boundless his wealth as wish can claim, 
Despite those titles, power, and pelf, 
The wretch, concentred all in self, 
Living, shall forfeit fair renown, 
And, doubly dying, shall go down 



THE MEANING OF AMERICA 69 

To the vile dust from whence he sprung, 
Unwept, unhonored, and unsung. 
— Sir Walter Scott, 

"The Lay of the Last Minstrel" 

4. Dear country ! ! how dearly dear 
Ought thy remembrance and perpetual band 
Be to thy foster Child, that from thy hand 
Did common breath and nurture receive. 
How brutish is it not to understand 

How much to her we owe, that all us gave ; 
That gave unto us all whatever good we have. 

— Edmund Spenser, "The Faerie Queen" 

5. There is a land, of every land the pride, 
Beloved by heaven o'er all the world beside ; 

"Where shall that land, that spot of earth be 

found?" 
Art thou a man? — a patriot? — look around ; 
Oh, thou shalt find, howe'er thy footsteps roam, 
That land thy country, and that spot thy home ! 
— James Montgomery, "My Country." 

6. Let all the ends thou aimst at, be thy country's, 
Thy God's, and Truth's.— Shakespeare, "Henry VIII" 

7. Their country first, their glory and their pride ; 
Land of their hopes, land where their fathers died ; 
When in the right, they'll keep their honor bright ; 
When in the wrong, they'll die to set it right. 

— James T. Fields, "Their Country." 

8. What is patriotism? Is it a narrow affection for 
the spot where a man was born? Are the very clods 
where we tread entitled to this ardent preference be- 
cause they are greener? No, sir, this is not the char- 



70 MAKING AMERICANS 

acter of the virtue, and it soars higher for its object. It 
is an extended self-love mingling with all the enjoy- 
ments of life and twisting itself with the minutest fila- 
ments of the heart. It is thus we obey the laws of 
society because they are the law of virtue. In their 
authority we see not the array of force and terror, but 
the venerable image of our country's honor. Every 
good citizen makes that honor his own and cherishes 
it not only as precious but as sacred. He is willing to 
risk his life in its defense and is conscious that he gains 
protection while he gives it. — Fisher Ames (1794)- 

9. Down within us all is something deeper than per- 
sonal interests, than personal kinships, than party 
feeling — and this profound will within us is Patriot- 
ism.- — Cardinal Mercier. 

10. The essential element in patriotism, in the higher 
patriotism, is unity of spirit; the ability and the dis- 
position to work together for a common good, and this 
unity is promoted by getting a large and worthy idea of 
what the common good is. — Washington Gladden. 

11. To perform, to the best of my ability, the duty I 
owe my country, shall ever be my highest ambition. — 
Oliver Hazard Perry. 

12. Every citizen should be ready to do his full part 
in the service of the community in which he lives. — 
Horace Mann. 

13. The union of lakes, the union of lands, 
The union of states, none can sever ; 
The union of hearts, the union of hands, 
And the flag of our union forever. 

— James Russell Lowell. 



THE MEANING OF AMERICA 71 

14. True patriotism means four things : 

1 — It means reverence for the past traditions of 
one's country*. 

2 — It means devotion to the present institutions of 
one's country. 

3 — It means loyalty to the future ideals of one's 
country; 

4 — It means valor to fight, if need be, in defense of 
these same institutions and ideals. — Robert Goldsmith. 

15. In peace patriotism consists in every man sweep- 
ing before his own door, minding his own business, 
learning his own lesson, that it may be well with him 
in his own home. — Goethe. 

16. "That humble, simple duty of the day 

Perform," he bids ; "ask not if small or great : 
Serve in thy post ; be faithful and obey ; 

Who serves her truly, sometimes saves the 
State." 

— Arthur Hugh Clough, "Wellington." 

17. "Hats off! 

Along the street there comes a blare of bugles, a 

ruffle of drums, 
A flash of color beneath the sky, 
Hats off! 
The flag is passing by !" 

18. "When the approach of the flag, in its significant 
and symbolic character, uncovers every masculine 
head in the crowds on the streets the testimony of 
Americans to their nationality will be more nearly 
complete. We are not emphasizing a triviality. The 
act of respect not only reveals the emotion in the citi- 
zen. When men show their respect for the flag they 



72 MAKING AMERICANS 

hold their hats above their hearts. Then both hat and 
heart are in the right place." 

19. "There were some things our ancestors placed 
above life, such as country, honor, liberty. Life is not 
the greatest of blessings, for there are things to be pre- 
ferred to life, and we are really men only in propor- 
tion as we rise above the fear of death." 

20. If ever it is a question whether you or your flag 
must perish, you will instantly choose that it shall not 
be the flag. — William T. Sherman. 

21. I only regret that I have but one life to lose for 
my country. — Nathan Hale. 

22. Duty's claim and country's call 
Shall be conscience for us all ! 

— /. Laurence Rentoul, "Australia's Battle Hymn/' 

23. Those that by their deeds will make it known, 

Whose dignity they do sustain ; 
And life, state, glory, all they gain 
Count the republic's, not their own. 

— Ben Jonson. 

24. We join ourselves to no party that does not carry 
the flag and keep step to the music of the Union. — 
Rufus Choate. 

25. Without a sign his sword the brave man draws, 
And asks no omen but his country's cause. 

— Homer. 

26. God, that made our fathers strong, 
Lead us when the dangers throng ; 
God, that made our mothers pure, 
Make us steadfast to endure ! 



THE MEANING OF AMERICA 73 

On the wave or tented field 

Be our sword and battle shield. 

— Australia's Battle Hymn. 

27. PLEDGE OF ALLEGIANCE : 

I pledge allegiance to my flag, and to the republic for 
which it stands: one nation, indivisible, with liberty 
and justice for all. 

28. "Flag of the sun that shines for all, 
Flag of the breeze that blows for all, 
Flag of the sea that flows for all, 
Flag of the school that stands for all, 
Flag of the people, one and all, 

Hail, Flag of Liberty! All hail ! 
Hail, glorious years to come." 



74 MAKING AMERICANS 



FREEDOM 
The Land of The Free 

1. When Freedom, from her mountain height 

Unfurled her standard to the air, 
She tore the azure robe of night, 
And set the stars of glory there. 

— Joseph Rodman Drake. 

2. No. Freedom has a thousand charms to show, 
That slaves, howe'er contented, never know. 
Religion, virtue, truth, whate'er we call 

A blessing — Freedom is the pledge of all. 

— W. Cowper. 

3. How sure the bolt that Justice wings ; 
How weak the arm a traitor brings ; 
How mighty they, who steadfast stand 
For Freedom's Flag and Freedom's Land ! 

— Bayard Taylor. 

4. The eagle's song: 

"To be stanch, and valiant, and free, and strong T 

— Richard Mansfield. 

5. ye who love the soul's free air, 

Who seek the larger hope, arise ! 
For truth and justice do and dare! 
Who cares to live if Freedom dies? 

— James Terry White. 

6. Naught nobler is, than to be free ; 

The stars in heaven are free because 
In amplitude of liberty 

Their joy is to obey the laws. 

— William Watson. 



THE MEANING OF AMERICA 75 

7. For Freedom's battle once begun, 
Bequeathed by bleeding sire to son, 
Though baffled oft is ever won. 

— Lord Byron. 

8. "Those who deny freedom to others deserve it not 
for themselves; and under a just God, cannot long 
retain it." 

9. We must be free or die, who speak the tongue 
That Shakespeare spake ; the faith and morals hold 
Which Milton held. # 

— Wordsworth. 

10. The laws of freedom are these: Accommodate 
your interests to other people's interests ; that you shall 
not insist on standing in the light of other people, 
but that you shall make a member of a team of your- 
self, and nothing more or less, and that the interests of 
the team shall take precedence in everything that you 
do to your interest as an individual. — Wilson. 

11. Consider yourselves how happy you are, and 
have been, how the gates of wealth and honor are shut 
on no man, and that there is not here an arbitrary 
hand that dares to touch the substance of either poor or 
rich. 

What is it can be hoped for in a change, which we 
have not already? Is it liberty? The sun looks not 
on a people more free than we are from all oppression. 
Is it wealth? Hundreds of examples show us that 
Industry and Thrift in a short time may bring us to as. 
high a state of it as the country and our conditions are 
yet capable of. — Governor Berkeley of Virginia (1651)* 



76 MAKING AMERICANS 

12. Out of the night that covers me, 

Black as the pit from pole to pole. 
I thank whatever gods may be 

For my unconquerable soul. 
It matters not how strait the gate, 

How charged with punishments the scroll, 
I am the master of my fate : 

I am the captain of my soul. 

— W. E. Henley. 

13. Flag of Freedom and Union, wave! 

Peace and order and beauty draw 
Round thy symbol of light and law. 

Sweet Land of Liberty 

1. Keep the jewel of liberty in the family of freedom. 
- — Lincoln. 

2. Liberty has no more cruel enemy than license. — 
— French Proverb. 

3. We must educate our people to discriminate the 
spirit of liberty from that of license. — George Wash- 
ington. 

4. The Declaration of Independence gave liberty not 
alone to the people of this country, but hope to all the 
world, for all future time.— Lincoln. 

5. Liberty is the right of doing whatever the laws 
permit. — Montesquieu. 

6. God grants liberty only to those who love it and 
are always ready to guard and defend it. — Daniel 
Webster. 



THE MEANING OF AMERICA 77 

7. O Liberty ! can man resign thee, 

Once having felt thy generous flame ? 
Can dungeons, bolts, or bars confine thee? 
Or whip thy noble spirit tame? 

— Rouget de Lisle. 

8. "How great the shame of us will be who had so 

much to give 

And yet refused to stake our all that liberty might 
live! 

Too late ! too late ! that day will be to answer free- 
dom's call, 

Then bitterly we shall regret that we refused our 
all." 

9. Individual liberty, not license, constitutes the very 
bedrock of our government. I mean by this, freedom 
within the limits of the law, and that law nothing more 
or less than the will of the people constitutionally ex- 
pressed. If this corner stone of liberty is to remain, 
our citizens must be taught the history of their country, 
first-hand ; they must fully understand the government 
under which they live. They can never be content with 
what others think; they must think for themselves, 
and we must do the teaching. — A. H. Dixon, Assistant 
Superintendent of Public Instruction, Nebraska. 

10. When I have thought of liberty I have sometimes 
thought of how we deceived ourselves. In the war we 
talked about it. Some people talk as if liberty meant 
the right to do anything you please. Well, in some 
sense you have the right — you have the right to jump 
overboard, but if you do, this is what will happen: 
Nature will say "You fool, didn't you know the con- 
sequences? Didn't you know that water will drown 



78 MAKING AMERICANS 

you? You can jump off the top of the mast, but when 
you get down, your liberty will be lost, and you will 
have lost it because it was not an accident ; you made a 
fool of yourself." The sailor, when he is sailing a ship, 
talks about running her free in the wind. Does he 
mean she is resisting the wind? Throw her up into 
the wind and see her canvas shake, see her stand still, 
"caught in irons," as the sailor says. But let her fall 
off; she is free. Free, why? Because she is obeying the 
laws of nature, and she is a slave until she does. And 
no man is free until he obeys the laws of freedom. — 
Wilson. 

11. The Stars and Stripes are pre-eminently fitted 
to stand as the Flag of the working man who needs no 
others, because under the Stars and Stripes he is given 
every possible opportunity to develop his own pros- 
perity. 

12. Give me liberty, or give me death. — Patrick 
Henry. 

13. Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and 
inseparable. — Daniel Webster. 

14. There are two freedoms — the false, where a man 
is free to do what he likes ; the true, where a man is free 
to do what he ought. — Charles Kingsley. 

15. True liberty allows each individual to do all the 
good he can to himself without injuring his neighbor. 
— Colton. 

16. None can love freedom heartily, but good men; 
the rest love not freedom but license. — Burke. 

17. The greatest glory of a free-born people is to 
transmit that freedom to their children. — Harvard. 



THE MEANING OF AMERICA 79 

18. Liberty is not the right of one, but of all. — 
Herbert Spencer. 

19. Where slavery is, there liberty cannot be; and 
where liberty is, there slavery cannot be. — Lincoln. 

20. The love of liberty with life is given. — Bryden. 

21. The chief duty of liberty is to defend justice. — 
Mme. Swetchine. 

22. Do you wish to be free? Then above all things, 
love God, love your neighbor, love one another, love the 
common weal; then you will have true liberty. — 
Savonarola. 



80 MAKING AMERICANS 



Motherland! 

O Motherland ! Motherland ! 

Great land of freedom's birth. 
The courage strong of one small band 

It spreads throughout the earth. 
Thy mother arms reached out to all, 

And held them to thy breast ; 
Now in thy need we hear thy call 

And heed thy just behest. 

Motherland ! Great liberty ! 

Thy children rise with might, 
Stand firm with strong ability 

To bring in peace and right. 
Motherland ! Stretch out thy arm 

And reach far over seas; 
So still all hate and wild alarm, 

Bring peace and love to these. 

Motherland ! Motherland ! 

We love thee more and more. 
In purity of aim we stand, 

Thine own, from shore to shore ! 
Motherland ! O great country ! 

What praise too great for thee ! 
We fight thy cause of liberty, 

Which makes the whole world free. 

— Anonymous. 



PART III 

The Good Citizen 



CHARACTERISTICS OF THE GOOD CITIZEN 

The Good American is Intelligent, Alert, Energetic and 

Patriotic 

1. Let the people know the truth and the country is 
safe. — Lincoln. 

2. Every good citizen makes his country's honor his 
own, and cherishes it not only as precious, but as 
sacred. — Andrew Jackson. 

3. The good citizen will never consent that his voice 
and vote shall sanction a public wrong. — Gow. 

4. I must stand by anybody that stands right ; stand 
with him while he is right, and part with him when 
he is wrong. — Lincoln. 

5. Let us be such as help the life of the future. — 
Zoroaster. 

6. A great nation is made only by worthy citizens. 
— Warner. 



82 MAKING AMERICANS 

7. Nothing is politically right that is morally wrong. 
— O'Connor. 

8. The noblest principle in education is to teach how 
best to live for one's country. — Balch. 

9. Everything learned should be flavored with love of 
country. — Edwards. 

10. Nothing can make good citizenship in those who 
have not got courage, hardihood, decency, sanity, the 
spirit of truth telling and truth seeking. — Roosevelt. 

11. A good citizen is one who observes all national, 
state and municipal laws and is willing to assist in their 
enforcement; he is honest and fearless; he is loyal to 
home, friends and country, and he does what he can to 
assist in promoting the moral, intellectual and physical 
welfare of the people. — Cincinnati Americanization 
Committee. 

12. The right to vote implies the duty to vote right ; 
the right to legislate, the duty to legislate justly; the 
right to judge about foreign policy, the duty to fight if 
necessary. — E. A. Alderman (1915). 

13. A weapon that comes down as still 

As snowflakes fall upon the sod ; 
But executes a freeman's will 

As lightning does the will of God; 
And from its force, nor doors nor locks 

Can shield you ; — 'tis the ballot-box. 

— John Pierpont. 

14. The future of America depends on a clear under- 
standing of the Principles of her Government. Indeed, 
the future of the world will be modified by our stand for 
American doctrine. 



THE GOOD CITIZEN 83 

15. You whom the fathers made free and defended, 

Stain not the scroll that emblazons their fame ! 
You whose fair heritage spotless descended, 
Leave not your children a birthright of shame ! 
— Oliver Wendell Holmes. 

16. This government, the offspring of our own choice 
uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investiga- 
tion and mature deliberation, completely free in its 
principles . . . uniting security with energy, and 
containing within itself a provision for its own amend- 
ment, has a just claim to your confidence and your sup- 
port. Respect for its authority, compliance with its 
laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined 
by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis 
of our political systems is the right of the people to 
make and to alter their constitutions of government; 
but the constitution which at any time exists, till 
changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole 
people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea 
of the power and the right of the people to establish 
government presupposes the duty of every individual 
to obey the established government. — Washington, 
"Farewell Address.' 9 

17. Let every American, every lover of liberty, every 
well-wisher to his posterity swear by the blood of the 
Revolution, never to violate in the least particular the 
laws of the country, and never to tolerate their viola- 
tion by others. — Lincoln. 

18. Every citizen should obey the law, even when 
striving to alter it. He should guard jealously those 
peaceful weapons, guaranteed by the Constitution, free 
speech, free press, free assembly, whether they seem 



84 MAKING AMERICANS 

for the moment to favor or to menace the cause which 
he cherishes. He need not praise the law which he 
obeys. He need not pretend to think it wise, carefully 
drawn, just or expedient, but he should obey it, even 
though striving meanwhile, by every lawful means, to 
convince the majority of the justice of his objections. 
For he knows that he must choose between the way of 
reason and the way of force. The majority commands 
the Legions, and his just cause is safer in the strife of 
minds. Thoughts are weighed, not counted; they 
create, while force destroys. His unalienable rights, 
when force begins to smite, will cease to operate. — R. 
M. McElroy. 

19. Let reverence for the laws be breathed by every 
American mother to the lisping babe that prattles on 
her lap ; let it be taught in schools, in seminaries, and 
in colleges ; let it be written in primers, spelling-books 
and in almanacs; let it be preached from the pulpit, 
proclaimed in legislative halls, and enforced in courts 
of justice, and, in short, let it become the political 
religion of the nation. — Lincoln (Address Delivered at 
Springfield, III.) 

20. Loyalty is not a self -pleasing virtue. I am bound 
to be loyal to the United States because I live under 
its laws and am its citizen, and whether it hurts me or 
whether it benefits me, I am obliged to be loyal. Loyalty 
means that you ought to be ready to sacrifice every 
interest that you have and your life itself if your coun- 
try calls upon you to do so. — Wilson. 

21. I believe there is no finer form of government 
than the one under which we live, and that I ought to be 
willing to live or die, as God decrees, that it may not 



THE GOOD CITIZEN 85 

perish from the earth, through treachery within, or 
through assault from without. — Thomas R. Marshall. 

22. With malice toward none ; with charity for all ; 
with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the 
right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in ; to 
bind up the nation's wounds ; to care for him who shall 
have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his 
orphan — to do all which may achieve and cherish a 
just and lasting peace among ourselves, and with all 
nations. — Lincoln. 

23. No wish in my retirement can exceed that of see- 
ing our country happy, and I can entertain no doubt 
of its being so if all of us act the part of good citizens, 
contributing our best endeavours to maintain the Con- 
stitution, support the laws and guard our independence 
against assaults from whatsoever quarter they may 
come. — Washington. 

24. Yet, after all, though the problems are new, 
though the tasks set before us differ from the tasks set 
before our fathers who founded and preserved this 
republic, the spirit in which these tasks must be under- 
taken and these problems faced, if our duty is to be well 
done, remains essentially unchanged. We know that 
self-government is difficult. We know that no people 
needs such high traits of character as that people 
which seeks to govern its affairs aright through the 
freely expressed will of the free men who compose it. 
But we have faith that we shall not prove false to the 
memories of the men of the mighty past. They did 
their work ; they left us the splendid heritage we now 
enjoy. We in our turn have an assured confidence that 
we shall be able to leave this heritage unwasted and 
enlarged to our children and our children's children. 



86 MAKING AMERICANS 

To do so, we must show, not merely in great crises, but 
in the every-day affairs of life, the qualities of prac- 
tical intelligence, of courage, of hardiness and endur- 
ance, and above all, the power of devotion to a lofty 
ideal, which made great the men who founded this 
republic in the days of Washington, which made great 
the men who preserved this republic in the days of 
Abraham Lincoln. — Roosevelt. 

25. All that e is best in American life has come 
through loyalty and hardship, and the benefits of a free 
citizenship can be kept only by loyal service and ready 
sacrifice. Our boys and girls must learn to care for 
themselves and for their country as one aim and one 
duty. They must know that there are no rights with- 
out duties, no freedom without defence, no self-govern- 
ment without self -protection. The school must not be 
blind to the mighty and far-reaching events of this time 
and their meaning. Amid the dangers that now 
threaten our land, we may well remember how the 
founders of our state and nation met dangers that 
threatened them. In the call of the world to save free- 
dom, human rightSc and self-government from destruc- 
tion, we have the old truth affirmed anew, that "life, 
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" will be secure 
for only those peoples who can and will defend them, 
as did the patriots of 1776. — Walter E. Ranger. 

26. It remains with the people themselves to preserve 
and promote the great advantages of their political and 
natural situation ; nor ought a doubt to be entertained 
that men, who so well understand the value of social 
happiness, will ever cease to appreciate the blessings 
of a free, equal, and efficient government. — Wash- 
ington. 



THE GOOD CITIZEN 87 

27. Let us have faith that right makes might; and 
in that faith let us, to the end, dare to do our duty as we 
understand it. — Lincoln. 

28. As citizens of the school, you are comrades in a 
company of the grand civic army of your country, 
whose duty it is to guard and defend her civic honor. 
You are already fellow-citizens of a republic, whose 
highest law is that "all men's good be each man's rule." 

Let me remind you that every school day is a day of 
patriotism. Every day is a day of civic life. In the 
daily tasks of school you need to be brave and true. 
In its friendly companionships you are to be kind, 
patient and helpful. For school and for country, you 
learn to scorn tyranny and to love fairness. Patriots,, 
young or old, cherish freedom, fairness and friendship. 
If you grow in a knowledge of these things day by day, 
if you are constantly loyal to school and its duties; as 
real citizens and real patriots, you will be glad, I am 
sure, year after year, to observe Flag Day, the time of 
the school's high tide of patriotism. 

In reverent remembrance of the brave deeds and 
noble lives of American patriots, may the boys and 
girls on the birthday of Abraham Lincoln, pledge anew 
their allegiance to their country in these words : 

29. Land of our birth, we pledge to thee 
Our love and toil in the years to be, 
When we are grown and take our place, 
As men and women with our race. 

Land of our Birth, our Faith, our Pride, 
For whose dear sake our fathers died ; 
O Motherland, we pledge to thee, 
Head, heart, and hand through the years to be 1 

— Walter E. Ranger. 



88 MAKING AMERICANS 

The Good American Is Loyal 

30. I believe that a man should be proud of the city 
in which he lives and so live that his city will be proud 
that he lives in it. — Lincoln. 

31. The obligations of citizenship are many. We 
are obliged to obey the law that we may live together 
peaceably. We are obliged to be industrious that the 
affairs of city and state may be conducted satisfac- 
torily and individual welfare and support be secured. 
We are obliged to be thoughtful of others for the safety 
and well-being of all. We are obliged to be loyal and 
true to city, state and nation that we may be one 
people. 

The Good American Plays Fair 

32. Don't flinch, don't foul, hit the line hard.^ — Roose- 
velt. 

The Good American Does His Duty 

33. The voter who refuses to take his part in politics 
is the renegade of peace, comparable only to the de- 
serter in war j — M. H. Irons. 

34. A distinguished French officer asked George 
Washington's mother how she managed to raise such 
.a splendid son. She replied, "I taught him to obey." 

35. Knowledge alone will not make a good citizen. 
We must identify ourselves with our government and 
feel that ardent patriotism required in times of peace 
which answers to the "still small voice of conscience" 
as to a bugle call. 



THE GOOD CITIZEN 89 

The Good American is Reliable 

36. Observe good faith and justice toward all men. — 
Washington. 

37. A MESSAGE TO GARCIA 

In all this Cuban business there is one man stands 
out on the horizon of my memory like Mars at peri- 
helion. 

When war broke out between Spain and the United 
States, it was very necessary to communicate quickly 
with the leader of the Insurgents. Garcia was some- 
where in the mountain fastnesses of Cuba — no one 
knew where. No mail or telegraph message could reach 
him. The President must secure his co-operation, and 
quickly. 

Some one said to the President, 'There is a fellow 
by the name of Rowan will find Garcia for you, if 
anybody can." Rowan was sent for and given a letter 
to be delivered to Garcia. How the "fellow by the 
name of Rowan" took the letter, sealed it up in an oil- 
skin pouch, strapped it over his heart, in four days 
landed by night off the coast of Cuba from an open 
boat, disappeared into the jungle, and in three weeks 
came out the other side of the Island, having traversed 
a hostile country on foot, and delivered his letter to 
Garcia — are things I have no special desire now to 
tell in detail. The point that I wish to make is this: 
McKinley gave Rowan a letter to be delivered to Garcia ; 
Rowan took the letter and did not ask, "Where is he 
at?" 

There is a man whose form should be cast in death- 
less bronze and the statue placed in every college of the 
land. It is not book-learning young men need, nor in- 
struction about this and that, but a stiffening of the 



90 MAKING AMERICANS 

vertebrae which will cause them to be loyal to a trust, 
to act promptly, concentrate their energies: do the 
thing — "Carry a message to Garcia."— Elbert Hubbard. 

The Good American is Kind 

38. Even in war, Americans are kind. In the Civil 
War General Lee gave these orders to the Army of 
Northern Virginia : 

The Commanding General earnestly exhorts the 
troops to abstain with most scrupulous care from un- 
necessary or wanton injury to private property, and 
he enjoins upon all officers to arrest and bring to sum- 
mary punishment all who shall, in any way, offend 
against the orders on this subject. 

39. In the Spanish War when Cervera's fleet was 
conquered, the commander of one of our vessels said: 
"Don't cheer, boys, those poor fellows are dying." 

40. All Americans are proud of Pershing's message 
to our soldiers in the Great War: 

"You are going into France and Belgium to help 
-expel an invading army. Your first duty is to be sol- 
diers, but your second duty, scarcely less important, is 
to help all who are poor and weak. You will there- 
fore be courteous to all women and you will never have 
•even a thought of what is evil or immoral. You will 
therefore abstain from the use of wine and liquor, and 
you will especially be very kind to little children. You 
will fear God, and honor your country, and win the 
world to liberty. God bless you and keep you." 

The Good American is Self -Reliant 

41. I went by the field of the slothful, and by the 
vineyard of the man void of understanding; and lo, 



THE GOOD CITIZEN 91 

it was all grown over with thorns, and nettles covered 
the face thereof, and the stone wall thereof w^ broken 
down. — Proverbs 2U :30-31 . 

42. America was the first country in the world truly 
to respect manual labor. 

When "gentlemen" idled in Virginia, John Smith 
refused to feed them, saying, "He that doth not work 
shall not eat." 

43. Among the first laws passed in the Virginia 
House of Burgesses were statutes against idleness. 

44. "First in detestation of idleness let it be enacted, 
that if any men be found to live as an idler or renegate, 
though a freedman, it shall be lawful for that Incorpo- 
ration or Plantation to which he belongeth to appoint 
him a master to serve for wages till he show apparent 
signs of amendment." 

45. The knowledge that in this country every will- 
ing man can find work to do has always made America 
frown on begging. 

46. Here every man lives quietly, and follows his 
labor and employment desiredly. . . . The son 
works as well as the servant (an excellent cure for un- 
tamed youth) so that before they eat their bread, they 
are commonly taught how to earn it. — Alsop, "A Char- 
acter of the Province of Maryland." 

47. Yet such a loathsome creature is a common and 
folding-handed beggar, that upon the penalty of almost 
a perpetual working in imprisonment, they are not to 
appear, nor lurk near our vigilant and laborious 
dwellings. The country hath received a general spleen 
and antipathy against the very name and nature of it ; 



92 MAKING AMERICANS 

and though there were no law provided (as there is) to 
suppress it, I am certainly confident there is none 
within the Province that would lower themselves so 
much below the dignity of men to beg, as long as limbs 
and life keep house together; so much is a vigilant 
industrious care esteemed. — Alsop. 

48. Some of our greatest presidents, like Lincoln, 
Jackson, Garfield, and Grant were men who had toiled 
hard at manual labor. 

49. Theodore Roosevelt preached the doctrine of 
"The Strenuous Life" as the only life worthy an Amer- 
ican citizen, as the following statement by him shows : 

"I wish to preach, not the doctrine of ignoble ease, 
but the doctrine of the strenuous life, the life of toil 
and effort, of labor and strife; to preach the highest 
form of success which comes, not to the men who desire 
mere peace, but to the man who does not shrink from 
danger, from hardship, or from bitter toil and who out 
of these wins the splendid ultimate triumph." 

50. The fact that idle persons are a danger to the 
community became so plain during the World War 
that many states passed additional laws against idle- 
ness and vagrancy. In other states proclamation by 
the governor put an end to idleness, for example — 

"Now I, Charles S. Whitman, Governor of the State 
of New York ... do hereby proclaim that pub- 
lic exigency requires that every able-bodied male per- 
son between the ages of eighteen and fifty years inclu- 
sive, be habitually and regularly engaged in some law- 
ful, useful, and recognized business, trade, or employ- 
ment, until the termination of the present war with 
Germany and its allies, or until the governor by like 
proclamation may otherwise order." 



THE GOOD CITIZEN 93 

51. American joy in work, the pioneer glory in 
achievement, is threatened by the attitude of those who 
preach that work is a curse and that workers are "wage 
slaves." 

52. President Wilson said to the Americans of for- 
eign birth (May 10, 1915) : "You have come into this 
great nation voluntarily seeking something that we 
have to give, and all that we have to give is this : We 
cannot exempt you from work. No man is exempt from 
work anywhere in the world. We cannot exempt you 
from strife and the heartbreaking burden of the strug- 
gle of the day — that is common to mankind every- 
where ; we cannot exempt you from the loads that you 
must carry. We can only make them light by the spirit 
in which they are carried. That is the spirit of hope, 
it is the spirit of liberty, it is the spirit of justice." 

53. The worst lesson that can be taught a man is to 
rely upon others and to whine over sufferings. If an 
American is to amount to anything he must rely upon 
himself and not upon the State, he must take pride in 
his own work, instead of sitting idle to envy the luck 
of others ; he must face life with resolute courage, win 
victory if he can and accept defeat if he must, without 
seeking to place on his fellow men a responsibility 
which is not theirs. — Roosevelt. 

54. Humble fathers who are training their children 
in essential manliness, in self-reliance, in independence, 
making them ashamed to beg and proud to rely on their 
own resources — they are patriots. They of every name 
who make men larger, are working for liberty, and 
they who are demoralizing men are working for bond- 
age and despotism. — Henry Ward Beecher. 



94 MAKING AMERICANS 

55. Let me but do my work from day to day, 

In field or forest, at the desk or loom, 

In roaring market place or tranquil room ; 
Let me but find it in my heart to say 

This is my work, my blessing, not my doom ; 

Of all who live, I am the one by whom 
This work can best be done in the right way. 

— Henry Van Dyke. 

56. Folly and complacency, on our heads be the sin 
If once our hand should slacken — our voices bid 

you in, 
While there's a sword to sharpen, 

While there's a wheel to turn, 
A word to say, a prayer to pray, 

A signal light to burn. 
God give us strength and wakefulness 
To match the wage we earn. 

— Theodosia Garrison. 

A Call to Civic Duty 

1. To look upon politics and public service with con- 
tempt and disgust indicates neither intelligence, wis- 
dom nor patriotism, but rather ingratitude and a low 
order of citizenship. 

Your country needs your very best judgment upon 
public questions. Therefore be calm, thoughtful and 
deliberate in considering them. 

2. This is not a mere privilege ; it is a duty you owe 
the nation in return for the benefits of citizenship. 

3. Study, not to magnify, but to recognize in their 
true proportions, the errors and the evils of our politi- 
cal system and help to correct them. 



THE GOOD CITIZEN 95 

4. Self-government means self-control, and this ap- 
plies to the individual as well as to the nation. You 
must practise self-control in discharging the duties of 
citizenship before you will be qualified to assist in the 
difficult task of self-government in which your country- 
men are engaged. 

5. Do not offend the dignity and honor of the mighty 
nation which you are trying to serve, by passionate, 
reckless and violent denunciation of the measures and 
men you oppose. 

6. Vocal violence is only a step from physical vio- 
lence, and is but a manifestation of the mob spirit of 
tribal days when laws and leadership were determined 
by the bludgeon instead of the ballot. Do not permit it 
to warp your judgment, nor use it to sway the minds 
of others. 

7. The great ruling body of the American people are 
calm, sane and fair in their judgments. They stand 
now as they have always stood, for fair play and 
orderly liberty. 

8. Serve well and faithfully, my son, for whichever 
party wins, you must know that reason, wisdom and 
justice still reign and will continue to reign in the 
hearts of the American people ; and be assured, 

9. "As 'round and 'round we run, 
Ever the right comes uppermost 
Ever is justice done." 

— Rhode Island Manual. 

10. Every American boy can be Theodore Roose- 
velt's follower. Every Boy Scout may imitate him. He 
was strong, powerful, but he began weak and puny. 



96 MAKING AMERICANS 

He trained himself to strength and power. So can all 
American boys. 

11. He trained himself to the habit of courage. So 
can every American boy. From the habit of courage 
came the natural reaction of truth. That is within the 
grasp of every American boy. He was sincere and 
simple, no one ever misunderstood what Theodore 
Roosevelt said. No one ever doubted what Theodore 
Roosevelt meant. He cultivated promptness in action 
until it became his natural reaction. He was as modest 
as a girl about himself. He was the most hospitable to 
advice of any man I ever knew. He was eager for 
knowledge. — Elihu Root. 

12. DECLARATION OF ALLEGIANCE FOR STUDENTS 

"I will reverence my country's flag and defend it 
against enemies at home and abroad. 

"I will respect the President of the United States and 
obey the law of the land. 

"I will support, in school and out, American ideals of 
justice and fair play, including the right of unham- 
pered opportunity under the law for all. 

"I will hold the ideal of rational patriotism above 
loyalty to any individual, political party, social class 
or previous national connection. 

"I will actively oppose all revolutionary movements, 
such as Bolshevism, anarchism, I. W. W.-ism, or any 
movement antagonistic to the laws of the United States 
or tending to subvert the Constitution of the United 
States:' 

THE YOUNG ATHENIAN'S OATH 

13. We will never bring disgrace to this, our city, by 
an act of dishonesty or cowardice, nor ever desert our 



THE GOOD CITIZEN 97 

suffering comrades in the ranks. We will fight for the 
ideals and sacred things of the city, both singly and 
together. We will revere and obey the city's laws and 
do our best to incite a like respect and reverence in 
those above us who are prone to annul them or set them 
at naught. We will strive increasingly to quicken the 
public's sense of civic duty. Thus in all these ways 
we will transmit this city not only not less, but greater, 
better, and more beautiful than it was transmitted to 
us. 



98 MAKING AMERICANS 



Makers of the Flag 

Delivered on Flag Day, 191k, before the employees of 
the Department of the Interior, Washington, D. C, by 
Franklin K. Lane, Secretary of the Interior. 

Note — Besides using this selection for responsive 
reading it may be dramatized. Have a child completely 
hidden in the folds of the flag read the flag speeches. 
The three speeches of the employee can be read by an- 
other child. 

1. This morning, as I passed into the Land Office, 
The Flag dropped me a most cordial salutation, and 
from its rippling folds I heard it say : 

2. "Good Morning, Mr. Flag Maker/' 

3. "I beg your pardon, Old Glory," I said, "aren't 
you mistaken? I am not the President of the United 
States, nor a member of Congress, nor even a general 
in the army. I am only a government clerk." 

4. "I greet you again, Mr. Flag Maker," replied the 
gay voice, "I know you well. You are the man who 
worked in the swelter of yesterday straightening out 
the tangle of that farmer's homestead in Idaho, or per- 
haps you found the mistake in that Indian contract in 
Oklahoma, or helped to clear that patent for the hopeful 
inventor in New York, or pushed the opening of that 
new ditch in Colorado, or made that mine in Illinois 
more safe, or brought relief to the old soldier in 
Wyoming. No matter; whichever one of these 
beneficent individuals you may happen to be, I give 
you greeting, Mr. Flag Maker." 



THE GOOD CITIZEN 99 

5. I was about to pass on, when The Flag stopped 
me with these words : 

6. "Yesterday the President spoke a word that made 
happier the future of ten million peons in Mexico ; but 
that act looms no larger on the flag than the struggle 
which the boy in Georgia is making to win the Corn 
Club prize this summer. 

7. "Yesterday the Congress spoke a word which will 
open the door of Alaska; but a mother in Michigan 
worked from sunrise until far into the night to give her 
boy an education. She, too, is making the flag. 

8. "Yesterday we made a new law to prevent finan- 
cial panics, and yesterday, maybe, a school teacher in 
Ohio taught his first letters to a boy who will one day 
write a song that will give cheer to the millions of our 
race. We are all making the flag." 

9. "But," I said impatiently, "these people were only 
working !" 

10. Then came a great shout from The Flag : 

11. "The work that we do is the making of the flag. 

12. "I am not the flag; not at all. I am but its 
shadow. 

13. "I am whatever you make me, nothing more. 

14. "I am your belief in yourself, your dream of what 
a People may become. 

15. "I live a changing life, a life of moods and pas- 
sions, of heart breaks and tired muscles. 

16. "Sometimes I am strong with pride, when men 
do an honest work, fitting the rails together truly. 



100 MAKING AMERICANS 

17. "Sometimes I droop, for then purpose has gone 
from me, and cynically I play the coward. 

18. "Sometimes I am loud, garish, and full of that ego 
that blasts judgment. 

19. "But always, I am all that you hope to be, and 
have the courage to try for. 

20. "I am song and fear, struggle and panic, and 
ennobling hope. 

21. "I am the day's work of the weakest man, and 
the largest dream of the most daring. 

22. "I am the constitution and the courts, statutes 
and the statute makers, soldier and dreadnaught, dray- 
man and street sweep, cook, counselor and clerk. 

23. "I am the battle of yesterday, and the mistake 
of to-morrow. 

24. "I am the mystery of the men who do without 
knowing why. 

25. "I am the clutch of an idea, and the reasoned 
purpose of resolution. 

26. "I am no more than what you believe me to be 
and I am all that you believe I can be. 

27. "I am what you make me, nothing more. 

28. "I swing before your eyes as a bright gleam of 
color, a symbol of yourself, the pictured suggestion of 
that big thing which makes this nation. My stars and 
my stripes are your dream and your labors. They are 
bright with cheer, brilliant with courage, Arm with 
faith, because you have made them so out of your 
hearts. For you are the makers of the flag and it is 
well that you glory in the making." 



THE GOOD CITIZEN 101 



Pull Your Weight 
The billows are heaving behind, 

The breakers are foaming before ; 
We need all the strength we can find — 

Each ounce you can put to an oar. 
Are you doing the best that you can 
To keep the old galley afloat? 

Are you power or freight? 

Are you pulling your weight — 
Are you pulling your weight in the boat ? 

It isn't the task of the few — 

The pick of the brave and the strong ; 
It's he and it's I and it's you 

Must drive the good vessel along. 
Will you save? Will you work? Will you fight? 
Are you ready to take off your coat? 

Are you serving the State? 

Are you pulling your weight — 
Are you pulling your weight in the boat? 

— Arthur Guiterman. 

Note — Children will enjoy this poem if a class leader 
reads the first four lines in each verse and the entire 
class read the last five lines, leaning from their desks 
to "pull on the oar" as they say the last two lines. 



PART IV 

The Future of Freedom 



"ETERNAL VIGILANCE IS THE PRICE OF 
LIBERTY' ' 

1. Nor let any one falsely persuade himself that 
those who keep watch and ward for liberty are med- 
dling with things that do not concern them, instead of 
minding their own business. For all men should know 
that all blessings are stored and protected in this one. 
— S. T. Coleridge. 

2. The future of the republic depends upon the char- 
acter of its citizenship. We are not building per- 
manently unless the youth of the land are made fully 
acquainted with the meaning of American citizenship. 
We must give patriotism a vitality which will find ex- 
pression in service. We cannot make democracy safe 
for the world by writing treaties. The spirit of democ- 
racy must be in the minds of the people, and this means 
that they must understand the basic principles of dem- 
ocratic government. — Thomas R. Marshall. 

3. The state means order, security, the enjoyment 
by the individual of a part at least of the fruits of his 
own labors. The destruction of the state results in 



THE FUTURE OF FREEDOM 103 

anarchy, which means the ruin of society. — David 
Jayne Hill. 

4. So now it behooves each of us so to conduct his 
civil life, so to do his duty as a citizen, that we shall in 
the most effective way war against the spirit of anar- 
chy in all its forms. — Roosevelt. 

5. Our laws are made by public opinion and public 
opinion will go wrong if it hasn't the facts. What 
we've got to stand for now are the rights of property, 
the domination of law, and the maintenance of public 
order. None of these can be maintained if we submit 
to either an autocracy of wealth or an autocracy of 
lahor. We must insist upon democracy — government 
by, for, and of all the people. Through democracy the 
connecting link between the prosperity of the employer 
and that of the laborer must be conserved. And in this 
connection Roosevelt's doctrine is applicable, namely, 
that while we recognize the right of men to organize we 
must not permit organized men to prevent by violence 
unorganized men from working. — Major-General 
Leonard Wood. 

6. The birthright of every son of a free people is 
opportunity. Let no man be deceived by suggestion of 
community ownership. Each person is entitled to own 
and to possess that which, by his intelligence, thrift, 
and industry, he may accumulate of this world's goods, 
if he be honest and respect the rights of other men. — 
Colonel C. E. Lydecker. 

7. This is the land of the equal, the dwelling place 
of opportunity. Here a rail splitter becomes chief 
executive of the nation, a farm boy rises to be the guid- 
ing genius of the country's largest banking house, and 



104 MAKING AMERICANS 

the teacher of a rural negro school is field commander 
of all American armies in France. 

8. The equality which true democracy seeks to pro- 
tect and preserve is equality of opportunity, equality of 
rights, equality before the law. Any form of privilege 
is just as undemocratic as is any form of tyranny. 

9. Equality of opportunity and privilege goes hand 
in hand with equality of obligation in war as well as 
peace. — Major-General Leonard Wood. 

10. The Right of Private Property encourages every 
man to work and save and prosper. "Communism 
means barbarism." — Lowell. 

11. Property is the fruit of labor, property is desir- 
able ; is a positive good in the world. That some should 
be rich shows that others may become rich and hence is 
just encouragement to industry and enterprise. Let 
not him who is houseless pull down the house of another 
but let him work diligently and build one for himself, 
thus by example assuring that his own shall be safe 
from violence. — Lincoln. 

12. Communism has failed everywhere, every time 
it has been tried. 

13. The communistic plan of holding supplies in 
common in Virginia was a failure. John Smith finally 
declared, "He that will not work shall not eat." Gov- 
ernor Dale's Great Reform was apportioning land to 
each man and levying on the yield of each one's ground 
certain bushels of produce for the common store house. 

14. Governor Dale had good reason for doing this. 
In the language of the old records we read that when 
the settlers "fed out of the common store and labored 



THE FUTURE OF FREEDOM 105 

jointly together, glad was he that could slip from his 
labor or slumber over his task, he cared not how ; nay 
the most honest among them would hardly take as much 
pains in a week as now themselves will do in a day." 

15. The experiment at Plymouth was a failure. 
There too, at first, the colony was conducted on a com- 
munism in industry plan. Now, there probably never 
existed a group of people more earnestly anxious to do 
right in all things. If ever an idealistic system of gov- 
ernment could come to success, it must be among these 
people united in a common desire so strong as to make 
them leave the quiet homes in England, and exile them- 
selves in Holland, and stronger still, strong enough to 
make them dare the dangers of the Atlantic and the 
perils of the wilderness. If ever the system of com- 
munism was to bring happiness, surely it would be to 
such a group as this. But the historian West says, 
"One serious hindrance to success, even among these 
'sober and godly men/ was the system of industry in 
common." Accordingly, in the third year, when famine 
seemed imminent, Governor Bradford, with the ap- 
proval of the chief men of the colony, set aside the 
agreement with the London partners in the matter, and 
assigned to each family a parcel of land, and "this," 
says Governor Bradford, "had very good success, for it 
made all hands very industrious, as so much more corn 
was planted than otherwise would have been," and so 
danger of famine passed, and when the Pilgrims by 
great effort brought out the Plymouth Company's 
share of the colony, each on his own land, reaping the 
reward of his own labors, began to prosper. 

16. Anarchy, Socialism, Syndicalism, and all the rest 
were shopworn specific for the inevitable ills of man 



106 MAKING AMERICANS 

before Caesar crossed the Rubicon, or Canute bade the 
swelling tides recede. Their alluring, Lorelei promises 
were as well known to the founders of our Constitution 
as to us. In rejecting them and choosing representa- 
tive government, these f arsighted leaders laid the foun- 
dation for the great, free, prosperous nation which 
America has become. In drafting our Constitution, 
they created an instrument which sums up the best that 
was in the past, a form of government free from arbi- 
trary power, open to change as progress calls for 
change, a statement of the basic principles upon which 
freedom must rest, old as the gold of Ophir, but never 
losing their lustre. — R. M. McElroy. 

17. Socialism is not an American idea. It is not 
even akin to Democracy. 

The trouble with Socialism is that it was made in 
Germany. 

It was created by minds steeped in the prejudices 
and passions of class. Having long been oppressed by 
an Upper Class, their idea of the Millennium is to put 
that Class down and put their own Class on top. 

There is nothing that Socialism has to offer that can- 
not be better secured by the processes of Democracy 
and the spirit of Americanism. — Frank Crane. 

18. Anti-American doctrines aim to destroy the fun- 
damental guarantees of our Constitution, absolute 
guarantees of the right to life, liberty, property, and 
equality before the law. Classes and masses doctrine 
contradicts all that America stands for. America recog- 
nizes no classes and no masses. Here there are no real 
proletariat, no real capitalist, no real labor group. 
There are no lines of partition between groups. All 
groups stand open to talent and ability. 



THE FUTURE OF FREEDOM 107 

Apply to all theories and policies the Acid Test of 
American Doctrine contained in the salute to the flag, 
"Liberty and Justice for all." Any doctrine which 
meets this test, which gives liberty and justice to all 
classes, is American, Any doctrine which promises lib- 
erty and justice to but one group, or which, if carried 
out, would make any one group dominant in the land, 
is anti- American. Fight it. 

19. The doctrine of permanent economic classes and 
of a class struggle is the absolute contradiction of 
democracy. It denies a common citizenship and an 
equality of rights and privileges in order to set up a 
privileged and an exploiting class by sheer force and 
terrorism. Here in America we know full well that 
there are no permanent and conflicting economic 
classes, for the wage-worker of today is the employer 
of a few years hence. With us the son of the farmer 
may be the leader of a learned profession in a dis- 
tant city, and he who begins self-support as signal- 
man or telegraph operator may easily find himself in 
a few short years the directing head of a great railway 
system. Not long ago public attention was called to 
the fact that no fewer than nineteen of the men who 
then directed the great transportation systems of the 
United States had in every case begun their careers as 
wage-workers in the service of one or another of the 
railway companies. 

20. We know, too, that the fundamental doctrine of 
American citizenship absolutely excludes the notion 
that men gain or lose anything by reason of their occu- 
pation. Here every man and woman stands on a level 
of political equality, and the vote of the man of wealth 
is no more potent than the vote of the man who at the 



108 MAKING AMERICANS 

moment may be seeking employment. In the socialistic 
state, permanent economic classes with differing and 
opposing rights and privileges are fundamental. From 
the democratic state, on the other hand, they are ex- 
cluded. Robert Burns was a true poet of democracy 
when he sang 

"A man's a man for a' that." 

— Nicholas Murray Butler. 

21. My countrymen, if you have been taught doc- 
trines conflicting with the great landmarks of the 
Declaration of Independence; if you have listened to 
suggestions which would take away from its grandeur 
and mutilate the fair symmetry of its proportions ; if 
you have been inclined to believe that all men are not 
created equal in those inalienable rights enumerated by 
our charter of liberty, let us entreat you to come back. 
— Lincoln. 

22. The larger Americanism demands that we refuse 
to be sundered from one another along lines of class 
or creed or section or national origin; that we judge 
each American on his merits as a man; that we work 
for the well-being of our bodily selves, but also for the 
well-being of our spiritual selves; that we consider 
safety, that we put honor and duty above safety. Only 
thus shall we stand erect before the world, high of 
heart, masters of our own souls, fit to be the fathers 
of a race of freemen who shall make and keep this land 
all that it seemed to the prophetic vision of the mighty 
men who saved it.— Roosevelt. 

23. The worst thing that could happen to America 
would be that she should be divided into groups and 
camps in which there were men and women who 
thought they were at odds with one another, that the 



THE FUTURE OF FREEDOM 109 

spirit of America was not expressed except in them. 
The spirit in which things are done is of the essence of 
the whole thing, and what I am striving for, and what 
I hope you are striving for, is to create a unity of spirit 
and of purpose founded upon the consciousness that we 
are all men and women of the same sort, and that if we 
do not understand each other we are not true Ameri- 
cans. — Wilson. 

24. When we look round and behold the universally 
acknowledged prosperity which blesses every part of 
the United States, facts were necessary to persuade us 
that any portion of our fellow citizens could be so defi- 
cient in discernment or virtue, as to attempt to disturb 
a situation which, instead of murmurs and tumults, 
calls for our warmest gratitude to Heaven, and our 
earnest endeavors to preserve and prolong so favorable 
a lot. 

25. Let us hope that the delusion cannot be lasting ; 
that reason will speedily regain her empire, and the 
laws their just authority where they have lost it. Let 
the wise and virtuous unite their efforts to reclaim the 
misguided, and to detect and defeat the acts of the 
factions. The union of good men is a basis on which 
the security of our internal peace and the stability of 
our government may safely rest. It will always prove 
an adequate rampart against the vicious and disorderly. 

26. In any case in which it may be indispensable to 
raise the sword of justice against obstinate offenders, 
I shall deprecate the necessity of deviating from a 
favorite aim, to establish the authority of the laws in 
the affections of all, rather than in the fears of any. — 
Washington. 



110 MAKING AMERICANS 

27. If the United States is a democracy, then it has 
no privileged class, and none exempt from responsi- 
bility. The care of the country is the business of all. 
The defence of the country is the duty of all. Every 
one of her sons is expected to cherish her in peace, and 
to fight for her in war, to value her welfare, and to hold 
her honour high. This is the foundation of democ- 
racy. — Agnes Repplier. 

28. These three maxims help to interpret the present 
limitation on speech and press : 

"Between public and private rights, the public right 
must prevail." 

"Liberty to all, but preference to none." 
"Those offenses should be most severely punished 
which are most difficult to guard against." — Black- 
stone, "Commentaries on the Laws of England" 

29. I do exhort all individual officers and bodies of 
men to contemplate with abhorrence the measures lead- 
ing directly or indirectly to those crimes which produce 
this resort to military coercion, to check in their respec- 
tive spheres the efforts of misguided or designing men 
to substitute their misrepresentation in the place of 
truth and their discontents in the place of stable gov- 
ernment, and to call to mind that as the people of the 
United States have been permitted under the Divine 
Favor, in perfect freedom, after solemn deliberation 
to elect their own government, so will their gratitude 
for this inestimable blessing be best distinguished by 
firm exertions to maintain the court and the laws. — 
Washington. 

30. Our form of representative democracy has 
brought us liberty, happiness, and the greatest meas- 
ure of prosperity known to any nation on earth. We 



THE FUTURE OF FREEDOM 111 

wish to continue to be represented as citizens with 
equal rights and not as workers with antagonistic 
interests and we oppose all movements to substitute 
dictatorship for representative government. 

31. I know but one purpose which the people can 
effect without delegation, and that is to destroy a gov- 
ernment. They may destroy but they cannot exercise 
the powers of government in person, but by their serv- 
ants they govern; they do not renounce their power; 
they do not sacrifice their rights ; they become the sov- 
ereigns of the country when they delegate that power 
which they cannot use themselves to their trustees. — 
Fisher Ames. 

32. We stand against all tyranny, by the few or by 
the many. We stand for the rule of the many in the 
interests of all of us, for the rule of the many in a 
spirit of courage, of common sense, of high purpose; 
above all, in a spirit of kindly justice toward every 
man and every woman. We not merely admit, but 
insist, that there must be self-control on the part of 
the people, that they must keenly perceive their own 
duties as well as the rights of others. — Roosevelt. 

33. A government is free to the people under it, 
whatever the frame, where the laws rule and the people 
are a party to those laws ; more than this is tyranny, 
oligarchy, and confusion. 

34. Whenever laws attempt more than is necessary 
to secure alike to every man, weak or strong, rich or 
poor, ignorant or instructed in the right, the moral 
power of seeking his own happiness in his own way, 
they invade that natural liberty of which they should 
be only the bulwark. — William Penn. 



112 MAKING AMERICANS 

35. How shall we fortify against lawlessness and 
mob law? The answer is simple. Let every American, 
every lover of liberty, every well-wisher to his poster- 
ity, swear by the blood of the Revolution never to vio- 
late in the least particular the laws of the country, and 
never to tolerate their violation by others. As the 
patriots of seventy-six did to the support of the 
Declaration of Independence, so to the support of the 
Constitution and laws let every American pledge his 
life, his property, and his sacred honor. — Lincoln. 

36. In the fulness of time a Republic rose up in the 
wilderness of America. From whatever there was of 
good in the systems of former centuries, she drew her 
nourishment; the wrecks of the past were her warn- 
ings. . . . Out of all the discoveries of statesmen 
and sages, out of all the experience of past human life 
. . . she made a free commonwealth which comes 
nearest to the illustration of the natural equality of all 
men. — George Bancroft. 

ODE FOR THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1876 

. . . . that only state 

Founded on faith in man, and therefore sure to last. 



They steered by stars the elder shipmen knew, 

And laid their courses where the currents draw 

Of ancient wisdom channelled deep in law, 

The undaunted few 

Who changed the Old World for the New, 

And more devoutly prized 

Than all perfection theorized 

The more imperfect that had roots and grew. 

They founded deep and well, 



THE FUTURE OF FREEDOM 113 

Those danger-chosen chiefs of men, 

Who still believed in Heaven and Hell, 

Nor hoped to find a spell, 

In some fine flourish of a pen, 

To make a better man 

Than long-considering Nature will or can, 

Secure against his own mistakes, 

Content with what life gives or takes, 

And acting still on some fore-ordered plan, 

A cog of iron in an iron wheel, 

Too nicely poised to think or feel, 

Dumb motor in a clock-like commonweal. 

They wasted not their brain in schemes 

Of what man might be in some bubble-sphere, 

As if he must be other than he seems 

Because he was not what he should be here, 

Postponing Time's slow proof to petulant dreams : 

Yet herein they were great 

Beyond the incredulous law-givers of yore, 

And wiser than the wisdom of the shelf, 

That they conceived a deeper-rooted state, 

Of hardier growth, alive from rind to core, 

By making man sole sponsor of himself. 

— James Russell Lowell. 

(Reprinted by courtesy of Houghton Mifflin Company.) 



114 MAKING AMERICANS 

"TO FINISH THE WORK WE ARE IN" 

1. . . . . with firmness in the right, as God 
gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the 
work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to 
care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for 
his widow, and his orphan — to do all which may achieve 
and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves, 
and with all nations. — Lincoln. 

2. I would not feel any exhilaration in belonging to 
America if I did not feel that she was something more 
than a rich and powerful nation. I believe that the 
glory of America is that she is a great spiritual con- 
ception and that in the spirit of her institutions dwells 
not only her distinction but her power. The one thing 
that the world cannot permanently resist is the moral 
force of great and triumphant convictions. — Wilson. 

3. Our aim must be — not to make life easy and soft, 
not to soften soul and body — but to fit us in virile 
fashion to do a great work for all mankind. This great 
work can only be done by a mighty democracy with 
the qualities of mind which will both make it refuse 
to do injustice to any other nation, but also enable it to 
hold its own against aggression by any other nation. — 
Roosevelt 

4. Knowledge is in every country the surest basis of 
public happiness. In one in which the measures of 
government receive their impression so immediately 
from the sense of the community as in ours, it is a pro- 
portionably essential. To the security of a free consti- 
tution it contributes in various ways; by convincing 
those who are intrusted with the public administration 



THE FUTURE OF FREEDOM 115 

that every valuable end of government is best answered 
by the enlightened confidence of the people; and by 
teaching the people themselves to know and to value 
their own rights; to discern and provide against in- 
vasions of them; to distinguish between oppression 
and the necessary exercise of lawful authority, between 
burdens proceeding from a disregard to their conven- 
ience and those resulting from the inevitable exigencies 
of society; to discriminate the spirit of liberty from 
that of license, cherishing the first, avoiding the last, 
and uniting a speedy but temperate vigilance against 
encroachments, with an inviolable respect to the laws. 
— Washington (Address to the Senate — Jan. 8, 1790). 

5. Every citizen of a free nation owes to his nation 
obedience to law. He has no obligation to say that he 
thinks the law wise, well planned, just, or desirbale: 
but he owes obedience to the law ; and he owes to the 
country his assistance in making that law as perfect 
as possible. He is under obligation to seek to correct 
what he deems its objectionable features; but he may 
not defy it on account of those features. To aid him in 
his fight for good laws the ballot is given him; for 
such purpose he is guaranteed, in our Constitution, the 
right of free speech, the right of free press, the right 
"peaceably to assemble and to petition the govern- 
ment." These are his legal weapons, which cannot be 
taken from him, in time of peace, so long as he is a loyal 
citizen. — R. M. McElroy. 

6. It is the duty of each citizen, therefore, by diligent 
study to seek to know all he can about our form of 
government and the problems that are involved in its 
efficient operation. There are no rights which do not 
carry with them corresponding obligations. Foreign 



116 MAKING AMERICANS 

foes are not the only enemies to be fought. Upon each 
of us rests the obligation to do all in his power in times 
both of war and of peace to make successful this, the 
greatest, experiment that has ever been tried by a 
great people: the establishment of a government of 
the people, by the people, and for the people. Only as 
each does his part can we hope to see this great end 
brought to a successful accomplishment. It is an ex- 
periment upon which depends the security not of our 
nation alone, but of many nations who look to us for 
light; and we must succeed. — William Franklin 
Willoughby. 

7. For your country, boy, and for that flag, never 
dream a dream but of serving her as she bids you, 
though the service carry you through a thousand hells. 
No matter what happens to you, no matter who flatters 
you or who abuses you, never look at another flag, 
never let a night pass but you pray God to bless that 
flag. Remember, boy, that behind all these men you 
have to deal with, behind officers and government, and 
people even, there is the Country Herself, your Coun- 
try, and that you belong to Her as you belong to your 
own mother. Stand by Her, boy, as you would stand by 
your mother.— Edward Everett Hale. 

8. Our loyalty to our country is not based on our 
grateful recognition of the freedom that we enjoy here ; 
nor on the equality which is guaranteed by the law; 
nor on the right which our Constitution gives to every 
man to worship God as he wills; nor in the absence 
here of special privileges granted by reason of accident 
of birth ; but we love our country and are faithful to 
its laws and loyal to its Constitution for God's sake 
and for conscience. — Bishop Kelly. 



THE FUTURE OF FREEDOM 117 

9. The voyage of the Mayflower was not across the 
Atlantic but across the Centuries. Not three months 
long, but still in progress. 

10. Thou, too, sail on, Ship of State ! 
Sail on, Union, strong and great ! 
Humanity with all its fears, 
With all the hopes of future years, 
Is hanging breathless on thy fate ! 
We know what Master laid thy keel, 
What Workman wrought thy ribs of steel, 
Who made each mast, and sail, and rope, 
What anvils rang, what hammers beat, 
In what a forge and what a heat 

Were shaped the anchors of thy hope ! 
Fear not each sudden sound and shock, 
Tis of the wave and not the rock; 
'Tis but the flapping of the sail, 
And not a rent made by the gale ! 
In spite of rock and tempest's roar, 
In spite of false lights on the shore, 
Sail on, nor fear to breast the sea ! 
Our hearts, our hopes, are all with thee, 
Our hearts, our hopes, our prayers, our tears, 
Our faith triumphant o'er our fears, 
Are all with thee, — are all with thee ! 

— Longfelloiv, "The Building of the Ship" 

EXTRACTS FROM WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 

11. Towards the preservation of your government, 
and the permanency of your present happy state, it is 
requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance 
irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but 
also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation 



118 MAKING AMERICANS 

upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. Ont 
method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the 
Constitution, alterations which will impair the energy 
of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be 
directly overthrown. 

12. In all the changes to which you may be invited, 
remember that time and habit are at least as neces- 
sary to fix the true character of governments, as of 
other human institutions — that experience is the surest 
standard by which to test the real tendency of the 
existing constitution of a country — that facility in 
changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion 
exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety 
of hypothesis and opinion : — and remember, especially, 
that, for the efficient management of your common 
interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a govern- 
ment of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect 
security of liberty is indispensable. 

13. Liberty itself will find in such a government, 
with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its 
surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, 
where the government is too feeble to withstand the 
enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the 
society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and 
to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment 
of the rights of person and property. 

14. It is important, likewise, that the habits of think- 
ing in a free country should inspire caution in those 
intrusted with its administration; to confine them- 
selves within their respective constitutional spheres; 
avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one depart- 
ment to encroach upon another. The spirit of en- 



THE FUTURE OF FREEDOM 119 

croachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the 
departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the 
form of government, a real despotism. A just esti- 
mate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, 
which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to 
satisfy us of the truth of this position. 

15. The k necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise 
of political power, by dividing and distributing it into 
different depositories, and constituting each the guard- 
ian of the public weal against invasions by the others, 
has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern ; 
some of them in our country and under our own eyes. 
To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute 
them, 

16. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution 
or modification of the Constitutional powers be in any 
particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment 
in the way which the Constitution designates. But let 
there be no change by usurpation ; for, though this, in 
one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the 
customary weapon by which free governments are de- 
stroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbal- 
ance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit 
which the use can at any time yield. 

17. All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all 
combinations and associations, under whatever plaus- 
ible character, with the real design to direct, control, 
counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action 
of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this 
fundamental principle and of fatal tendency. They 
serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and 
extraordinary force — to put in the place of the dele- 
gated will of the nation, the will of a party ; — often a 



120 MAKING AMERICANS 

small but artful and enterprising minority of the com- 
munity; — and, according to the alternate triumphs of 
different parties, to make the public administration the 
mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of 
faction, rather than the organ of consistent and whole- 
some plans digested by common councils, and modified 
by mutual interests. 

What Can I Do? 

"What can I do?" 

— Well, this I can, 
Live to be free, 

Or die like a man. 

Take me, break me, 

Cause that is Just, 
Use me, bruise me — 

Dust unto Dust! 

I can eat less, 

Little, or naught, 
If my Faith be not sold, 

Nor my vision bought. 

I can still till the earth, 

Or dig in a mine, 
If I work for a Cause 

That I know divine. 

I can fight in a ditch 

Or drown in the sea, 
If I fight for, die for 

Liberty ! 



THE FUTURE OF FREEDOM 121 

H* ♦ ♦ 

Take me, break me, 

Cause that is Just, 
Use me, bruise me — 

Dust unto Dust. 

— Lee Wilson Dodd. 

In the long fight for righteousness the watchword for 
all of us is, spend and be spent. It is of little matter, 
whether any one man fails or succeeds; but the cause 
shall not fail, for it is the cause of mankind. — Roosevelt. 



Words by 
'MINNA IRVING 



Dedicated to the National Security L*<*gi<e 

To America 



Music by 
ROSE VILLAR 



A me - ri - cal A - me - ri - ca! L'p - on your moun - tain 

A Vi my Ridge And Bel - leau Mood And up Con - tig - ny's — 




■W- 


worlds — 
Yan 


e 
kee 


- ter 
he 


- nal 

- roes 


light, 
sleep, 




Through 
Just 


blood 
sim 


and 
- pie 


pain 
boys 


fro 


d 
m 


•*» 5 *i *- 


■§■• 




"# 


— * i — $> % 










— P 






•4 


Uv — 




* — 


__J 


,. m 






Copyright WCMXEX by Bote "Villar fiftO W. !S4lhSt. N.Y. 



I 



^m 



J M- !! E 



bound a -bout your brows a -gain, The 
high as Cae - sars on the scroll, Of 



bays of 



sni 



^ 



\ U i i i \i m uu ij * f 



Vic - to - ry 
last - ing fame. 



the 
A - 



fff* 



g : if £ : 



^s^ 



Ett 



W 



5^3 

5 



bleed- ing na tions turned to 
ri - cal 



you The young- e6t of them 
. ca! Fling out your flags and 



all, 
sing, 



You 

The 




drew the sword for Lib 
hain mer of the old 



er - ty, In ans-wer to the call, 

god Thor, No more shall smite and swing, 



Their 
For 




faith in 
Peace has 



you was not 
lift ed from 



in vain. But firm - ly rat - i • fied, 
the earth, The flam -ing scourge of Mars v 



Up 

All 




on the field of bat 

hail the free • dom of 



W** 



tie where, Your daunt -le»s sol - diers died, 
man -laud, All hail the Stripes and Stars. 






i i J. i 



a=* 



f 



W 



BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES. 

AMES, FISHER. Statesman. Born in Dedham, Mass., April 

9, 1758; died there July 4, 1808. Entered Harvard at twelve 
years of age, graduated at sixteen; taught school, studied law, 
served in Congress eight years. A great orator and brilliant 
writer. 

BERKELEY, SIR WILLIAM. Colonial Governor of Virginia. 
Born near London, England, July, 1608; died July 13, 1677. First 
commissioned as Royal Governor to Virginia. Later was elected 
governor, lost his popularity with the people at the time of Bacon's 
rebellion, but continued as Govenor eleven years longer. 

BUTLER, NICHOLAS MURRAY. President Columbia Uni- 
versity. Born in Elizabeth, New Jersey, April 2, 1862. Writer 
and lecturer on Americanism. 

BRYCE, JAMES, First Viscount. Born in Belfast, Ireland, May 

10, 1838. Ambassador Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary 
of Great Britain to United States, 1907-13. Author of "The 
American Commonwealth," etc. 

GADSDEN, CHRISTOPHER. Patriot. Born in Charleston, 
S. C. , in 1724; died August 28, 1805. Educated in England, del- 
egate to first Colonial Congress which met in New York in 1755, 
also delegate to First Continental Congress in 1774. Colonel, lat- 
er brigadier-general, in Revolutionary War. 

GOMPERS, SAMUEL. President American Federation of 
Labor. Born in England, Jan. 27, 1850. A cigar maker by trade; 
has been active in the advocacy of the rights of labor, and con- 
nected with efforts to organize the working people since his fif- 
teenth year. One of the founders of the American Federation of 
Labor, and editor of its official magazine. 

HADLEY, ARTHUR TWINING. President Yale University. 
Born in New Haven, Conn., April 23, 1856. Writer and lecturer 
on Americanization and citizenship. 

HALE, EDWARD EVERETT. Clergyman, author. Born in 
Boston, Mass., April 3, 1822. Died in Roxbury, Mass., June 10, 
1909. Appointed chaplain of U. S. Senate. Author of "The Man 
Without a Country." 



HAMILTON, ALEXANDER. Statesman. Born on island of 
Nevis, West Indies, Jan. 11, 1757; died in New York City, July 12, 
1804. His speeches and writings during the Revolutionary War, 
his services on Washington's staff, and his labors in Congress and 
in the New York Legislature, were invaluable. His writings in 
'The Federalist/' which took the form of a series of arguments 
for the Constitution, helped more than anything else to induce the 
people to adopt the Constitution. He was first Secretary of the 
Treasury, and his plan for the payment of the national debt placed 
the country on a firm financial basis. 

HILL, DAVID JAYNE, Diplomat, historian. Born in Plain- 
field, New Jersey, June 10, 1850. Assistant Secretary of State, 
1898-1903; Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to 
Germany, 1908-11; member Administrative Council of the Hague 
Tribunal; delegate to Second Peace Conference at the Hague. 
President of the National Association for Constitutional Govern- 
ment. An authority on the Constitution of the United States. 
Author of "Americanism — What It Is, "etc. 

IRELAND, JOHN, Archbishop, St. Paul, Minn. Born in Ireland 
Sept. 11, 1838; died in St. Paul, Sept. 25, 1918. Noted for sturdy 
Americanism and patriotic citizenship. 

LANE, FRANKLIN KNIGHT. Former Secretary of the Inter- 
ior. Born in Prince Edward Island, Canada, July 15, 1864. Edu- 
cated University of California. Lawyer; Secretary of the Interior 
in President Wilson's Cabinet from 1913 to 1920. 

McELROY, ROBERT McNUTT. University professor, author. 
Born in Perryville, Kentucky, Dec. 28, 1872. Head of the Depart- 
ment of History and Politics in Princeton University. Author of 
"Kentucky in the Nation's History,'* and "The Winning of the 
Far West" (the concluding volume of Roosevelt's series "The 
Winning of The West"). Invited by the Chinese Government to 
deliver a series of addresses upon the history and development of 
representative government. 

PERRY, OLIVER HAZARD. Naval officer. Born in South 
Kingston, Rhode Island, Aug. 23, 1785; died in Port Spain, Trini- 
dad, Aug. 23, 1819. Hero of the battle of Lake Erie, when "for 
the first time in her history Great Britain lost an entire squadron. " 
Perry wrote the famous message, "We have met the enemy, and 
they are ours. " 

PERSHING, JOHN JOSEPH. General, U. S. Army. Born in 
Linn County, Missouri, Sept. 13, 1860. Graduate of Kirksville, 
Missouri, Normal School, U. S. Military Academy in 1886, and 
took LL.B. degree at University of Nebraska in 1893. Served in 
Indian Wars, Spanish War, campaigns in Philippines, and as Mili- 
tary Attache in Japan; commanded U. S. troops sent to Mexico 
in pursuit of Villa in 1916; sent to France as head of American 
Expeditionary Forces in World War, May 1917. 



RANGER, WALTER EUGENE. Educator. Born in Wilton, 
Maine, Nov. 22, 1855. Formerly State Superintendent of Educa- 
tion for Vermont, now Commissioner of Public Schools for State 
of Rhode Island. Lecturer and writer on educational, social, eth- 
ical and fraternal subjects ; widely known as a leader in the teach- 
ing of citizenship in the schools. 

REPPLIER, AGNES. Author. Born in Philadelphia, April 1, 
1858. Prominent American essayist. 

ROBINSON, CORINNE ROOSEVELT. Sister of the late Theo- 
dore Roosevelt. Poet and lecturer on good Americanism, as exem- 
plified in the life of her brother. 

ROOSEVELT, THEODORE. Twenty-sixth President of United 
States. Born in New York City, Oct. 27, 1858. Died at Oyster 
Bay, Jan. 6, 1919. With Major-General (then Surgeon) Wood or- 
ganized 1st U. S. Volunteer Cavalry (Roosevelt's Rough Riders) ; 
promoted Colonel for gallantry at battle of Las Guasimas. Gover- 
nor of New York Jan. 1, 1899— Dec. 31, 1900; elected Vice Presi- 
dent of U. S., Nov. 4, 1900; succeeded to Presidency on death of 
William McKinley, Sept. 14, 1901; elected President of U. S.,Nov. 
8, 1904, by largest popular majority ever afforded a candidate. 
Awarded Nobel Peace Prize af $40,000 in 1906 for his services in 
bringing about conclusion of war between Russia and Japan. Ex- 
plorer in South America and Africa; naturalist, hunter, author, 
lecturer. 

WILSON, WOODROW. Statesman, educator. Twenty-eighth 
President of United States. Born in Staunton, Virginia, Dec. 28, 
1856. Educated Davidson College, N. C, 1874-75; Princeton Uni- 
versity A. B. , 1879 ; graduated in law at University of Virginia 1881 ; 
graduate student Johns Hopkins, 1883-85. Practised law in Atlanta, 
Georgia, 1882-83. Professor of history, political economy and alli- 
ed subjects, Bryn Mawr, 1885-88; Wesleyan University, 1888-90; 
Princeton, 1890-1910; president of Princeton University, 1902-10. 
Governor of New Jersey, 1911-13. Elected President of United 
States Nov. 4, 1912; re-elected Nov. 7, 1916, Author of "History 
of the American People, "etc. 

WOOD, LEONARD. Major-General, U. S. Army. Born in 
Winchester, New Hampshire, Oct. 9, 1860. Commanding Colonel, 
1st U. S. Volunteer Cavalry 1898; made Brigadier-General of 
Volunteers for services at Las Guasimas and San Juan Hill ; 
Major-General U. S. Army, in 1903. Awarded Congressional 
Medal "for distinguished conduct in campaign against Apache 
Indians in 1886. " Military Governor of Cuba, December, 1889 
to May, 1902; special ambassador to Argentine Republic in 1910; 
Commander 89th Division (National Army) t Camp Funston, 
Kansas, April, 1918. 



Hr^ 83* 














* 4* % • 






fr * 4? sK ^ 







7** 4^ ^n **V^\* (0 

* ^ 4* •^Ster* ^ <£ 



/: W -> 






^.s-fcX X-SfcX ,**.«•> 



V » 
° ^ 4* • 




^. 






^o 



c* #T 











*£ ''I 

♦*<♦♦ .-gift % 




g?V J- " 7 *, Vi 



•O, 'o . « * .«\ 



• « 






J>°"^ 




* •*- 





* ^ 



^ 4? »I,V* **> 



r «* . * v ^ •.«&• -tf ^ 










^ %> (P y*,/)??!- °^ 







.•" 




iSfc 





N. MANCHESTER, 

IMhIAMA /ICnCO 






